THE DRUMS OF KUMASI, Alan Lloyd, Panther, London, 1964.

Thr reader is advised that this review includes material that druids,
among others, could find quite unpleasant.

This look at the Ashanti-British Wars of the 19th Century begins with a
prologue (pp. 13-18) introducing the crisis caused by Governor Frederic
Hodgson going to Kumasi in 1900 seeking the Golden Stool.

Chapter One, "Military Traditions" (pp. 19-27), introduces the rapacity of
Europeans and the growth of the Ashanti from the time of Osei Tutu (r.
1697-1731). Tutu's counsellor, Okomfo Anokye, provided his chief with a
special gilded chieftain's stool.

   As guardian of the Golden Stool, Osei Tutu, became not only kumasihene, 
   or King of Kumasi, but the Asantehene: the King of Kings of Ashanti.
   p. 21

Next comes a look at the efficient Ashanti military system:

   At some time in his life, every Ashanti chief or king was expected to
   have distinguished himself in war, and the titles of his courtiers had
   a military ring. There were the Adontenhene whose place in war was as
   leader of the main body of the chief's warriors, the Nifahene who led
   the right wing of the fighting force, and the Benkumenhene who led the
   left wing. There were also the Kyidomhene, or leader of the rear guard,
   and the Ankobeahene whose duty was to guard the tribal properties when
   the chief went campaigning. As a change from being the stay-at-home
   man, the Ankobeahene was sometimes taken along as the chief's general
   bodyguard. Nor were the rigors of campaigning spared the more domestic
   members of the chief's retinue. Stool-carriers, drummers, horn-blowers,
   umbrella-carriers, chief's soul-washers, elephant-tail switchers, fan
   bearers, cooks, hammock-carriers, floor-polishers, treasurers, eunuchs,
   heralds, sword-bearers, gun-bearers, minstrels and executioners were
   all liable for active service at a moment's notice. p. 22 

   Every male Ashanti was born with an allotted place in the overall war
   formation which is said to have originated from a study of ants on the
   march. It consisted of a central column of scouts, advance guard, main
   army of warriors, commander-in-chief and bodyguard, carriers and camp
   followers, and rearguard, flanked in wing formation by ten
   self-contained fighting groups, five a side, each provided by a
   different tribe whose position in the general plan seldom varied.
   pp. 22-23 

Descent was matrilinial and successors generally adults. The king left
command to an experienced general. There were messengers (Afunasuafo) and
medics (Esumankwafo) who also retrieved Ashanti bodies. There is mention
of chiefs using their wives in diplomacy and at times as a deliberate
excuse to claim grievance. Then comes a description of the first
Ashanti-British clash. In 1806 two rebellious chiefs sought British
protection. After a fierce fight and Ashanti slaying of thousands of Fante
refugees near the British fort, the British went back on their word to
provide sanctuary.

Chapter Two, "Mission to Kumasi" (pp. 28-38) describes the visit of
Bowdish to Kumasi in 1817. He left a quite graphic account of the Ashanti
capital at its apogee. He mentioned arriving beneath a protective charm.
From two poles hung red silk wrapped around a dead sheep. He was quite
impressed by the scale and opulence of what he witnessed, but his report
was not believed back home. He obtained a treaty, as did Joseph Dupuis
three years later.

Chapter Three, "Black King Takes White Knight" (pp. 39-53), shows us the
spectacular figure of Charles Macarthy. He failed to appreciate both
Ashanti willingness to negotiate and their ability as warriors, until too
late.

   Sir Charles's head also went to Kumasi where a cast of the skull was
   taken in pure gold. The skull itself became part of the 'skull fetish'.
   Wrapped in a white cloth, it was paraded through the streets once a
   year at the Festival of Yams. p. 51

The Ashanti were susceptible to coastal disease and in 1826 they made, 
"...Their first, and perhaps only, major strategic mistake in a century of
conflict with Britain." p. 52 They attacked a larger force in the open,
and even then seemed on the point of victory when, for the first time,
they faced British rockets and felt that they were under a powerful
supernatural attack.

Chapter Four, "A Saturday Daughter" (pp. 54-71), concerns the
missionaries, a German and a Swiss couple and baby, who became a casus
belli. despite protestations of neutrality and non-violence, they were
taken to Kumasi in 1869. They lived there, well cared for, for four years,
during which time the couple had two more children. The Asantehene seemed
content to let them go, but his council held out for a ransome of 6,840
pounds. Since the Basle mission was only willing to contribute a thousand
pounds, and a lowered Ashanti request for 2,000 pounds was not accepted,
nor were the British interested in turning over land claimed by the
Ashanti and recently offered to the British by the Dutch, along with a
scarcely credible, "Certificate of Apology" from the Asantehene concerning
Ashanti claim to the land, the Ashanti retained the missionaries and moved
to take the land by force.

Chapter Five, "The Ring" (pp. 73-88), presents British Major-General
Garnet Wolseley and his impressive circle (whence the title):  

   Among the 'ringers' who sailed with him, or joined him soon afterwards, 
   were a studious young major named Colley (afterwards Major-General Sir
   George Colley), Lieutenant-Colonel E. Wood, VC (afterwards
   Field-Marshal Sir Evelyn Wood, VC), Captain R. Buller (afterwards
   General the Right Hon. Sir Redvers Buller, VC), Lieutenant-Colonel
   McNeill, VC (afterwards General Sir John McNeill, VC), Major G. Greaves 
   (afterwards General Sir George Greaves), Major B.C. Russell (afterwards
   General Sir Baker Russell), Major T.D. Baker (afterwards General Sir
   Thomas Baker), Lieutenant F. Maurice (afterwards Major-General Sir
   Frederick Maurice), Captain W. Butler (afterwards Lieutenant-General
   Sir William Butler) and Captain H. Brackenbury (afterwards General Sir
   Henry Brackenbury). Others would undoubtedly have climbed to high rank
   had they survived the dangers ahead. p. 75 

Wolseley had led the government forces against the Riel Rebellion in 1870
in Canada, had lots of combat experience and demonstrated imaginative
thought that did not endear him to some more traditionally minded. His
venture to West Africa had opposition on military grounds and also there
was significant popular disapproval of British presence there. In many
respects, including press coverage, this war is significant for its modern
feel. Wolseley wrote:

   'These gentlemen, pandering to the public taste for news, render
   concealment most difficult, but this very ardour for information a
   General can turn to account by spreading fake news among the gentlemen
   of the Press, and thus use them as a medium by which to deceive the
   enemy.' p. 82

Among the reporters sent to cover this war was Henry Stanley, just the
year after his celebrated encounter with Livingstone. He was often able to
come up with ideas, for example, transporting a hundred elephants from
Asia to serve as beasts of burden and impress the Ashanti. However, these
ideas did not impress Wolseley.

Chapter Six, "A Fighting Man's Guide" (pp. 89-107), actually quotes (pp.
97-102) the instructions printed up by Wolseley for his troops.

   "These, distributed among the regiments before they reached the coast,
   were exceptional not only for the stree laid on independence of action
   for small units of men -- and, indeed, on individual initiative -- but
   because they formed the first compehensive instructions ever issued to
   a British army on what would now be termed jungle warfare." p. 97

The first concern is health and soldiers are advised to avoid chills when
hot, unfiltered water, sleeping on the ground or exposing bare heads to
the sun. They are to take the quinine dispensed. Then comes military
remarks concerning the limited distance an officer can effectively control
in the bush, the Ashanti technique of encirclement, the British normal
procedure of keeping a quarter of each company back some sixty yards, the
inferior fire power of the Africans, the need to be effective when firing,
both to have the Ashanti respect British shooting and to conserve
resources, the use of compasses and bugles, prohibition of plundering and
finally some gung ho passages encouraging discipline and bravery.

The chapter had begun with mention of the unhealthy climate of the coast,
afflicting also the Ashanti and causing them to pull back. There's
reference to the unenthusiastic attitude of some African troops fighting
with the British. There's a passage on British clothing, including, "A
loose grey uniform of serge or Canadian homespun." (p. 95) And, there's a
look at the products of the arms industry.

   From the Woolwich arsenal poured millions of buckshot cartridges for
   the Sniders of the regulars and the muzzle-loading Enfield rifles with
   which the Fantes and other allies were armed...Large quantities of
   ammunition were also prepared for the Gatling mitrailleuse, a 
   much-discussed artillery innovation capable, it was said, of
   discharging 7,800 balls an hour into a circle twelve feet in diameter.

   Then there were hundreds of leather bags, containing from ten to twenty
   pounds of powder, for blowing up stockades; Hale's rockets, which were
   fired without sticks; little Cohorn howitzers, and many ground shells
   and star shells containing magnesium, for illuminating enemy positions
   at night. pp. 95-96

Attempts to restrict export of British arms were rejected as unprecedented
interference in trade and, "Britain's ordinance manufacturers were left to
cash in from both sides." p. 96

The chapter mentions the carefully planned efforts to ensure safe water,
food and medical treatment, and the problem of too few bearers, in part
caused by inadequate sensitivity to local conditions and peoples.

   At Manso, alone, men from nine different tribes were expected to work
   happily together, often under headmen they neither knew nor respected.
   Payments were irregular, some being paid twice for the same job while
   others got nothing, and many were overworked to the point of fatigue.
   pp. 105-106

Chapter Seven, "2 Corinthians ii: 11 (pp. 108-123), begins with the
popular demonization of the Ashanti, and their ruler. Then comes the
landing of British regiments on New Year's Day 1874, their march inland
and supply problems. Next is reference to the extensive correspondence
between Wolesley and the Asantehene.

   An almost continuous shuttle service of Ashanti messengers, gold plates 
   on their chest, plied between Kumasi, and the British advanced army... 
   p. 113   

The British demanded: releasing the missionaries, paying 50,000 ounces of 
gold, and signing a new peace treaty. The Ashanti, despite a demonstration
of the Gatling gun for the messengers, were not afraid of the British.
their ruler, though, inclined to diplomacy and the day these terms were
received a sacred tree in the city square was blown over in a storm. The
missionaries were released, and the asantehene promised to pay the
indemnity, if the British stopped advancing. Although Wolseley announced
this to London, taking care to conceal the news from the reporters with
him, the British continued forward, and increased their demands, including
that prominent Ashanti be handed as hostages to the British.

Chapter Eight, "A Kind of Battle" (pp. 124-138) begins with the
traditional appointment of the king of Mampong to command the Ashanti
forces, angering another general, and Wolseley's order to attack. There is
a description of the British troops and their auxiliaries.

   Then there were the Kosoos, a warrior fraternity from the Sherbro River
   who declared they had come to the Gold Coast to die. The tribe was
   properly named Mende, the word Kosoo, meaning wild boar, deriving from
   their reputation for ferocity. Their favourite weapon was the sword. 
   p. 126

The Ashanti fought professionally, forming their semi-circle around the
enemy, keeping cover, maintaining such concentrated fire they were thought
to have teams of loaders, removing their own dead, and attacking the
Britiah camp, where Wolseley had remained. Superior British weapons made
the difference.

The Ashanti struck a British supply base, twenty miles behind the front,
but failed to capture the supplies.

Chapter Nine, "The Vanishing Armies" (pp. 139-154), recounts the
astuteness of some other West African leaders and their memory of previous
British claims in efforts to extract allied armies from them against the
Ashanti. John Glover seems to have had the most success, raising twelve
thousand of a planned thirty thousand man force, but this was drawn off
into first operating in areas of greater interest to the men comprising
it. Wolseley ordered him to come at once with what he could bring, so he
struck the Ashanti with some 750 men, facing problems of disease and poor
supplies.

Chapter Ten, "Osamarandiduum" (pp. 155-174), begins with an account of the
British moving forward through deserted villages and finding evidence of
human sacrifice. Then comes description of losses taken and the Ashanti
sending a message saying demands will be met, if the British halt their
advance. As Wolseley prepared to bridge the Oda River, he said he was
halting and awaiting his hostages.

   Considering that the missionaries who had lived in Kumasi were united
   in acknowledging her to be the most powerful influence for peace at the
   Ashanti court, things might not have been improved by her removal to
   the British camp. Not that it mattered, for compliance with Wolseley's
   demand was out of the question. Neither the queen mother nor Kofi's
   heir, Mensa Bonsu, came near the camp that night. p. 158

The British crossed the river, were soon fiercely resisted, and pushed on
aided by superior arms. There is an account of a British officer catching
sight of a hundred and fifty Ashanti moving in so well-drilled a manner he
doubted they were the enemy. The British struck boldly at Kumasi. The
Ashanti took the bridge across the Oda. The Ashanti ceased resisting and
the British entered Kumasi.

   The same men who had so stubbornly opposed Wolseley's march through the
   jungle had calmly gathered for a ring-side view of the visitors. Not
   only had they lined the main street in hundreds to watch the white 
   column enter the town, but now, while many of the inhabitants shook 
   hands with the British and brought them water to drink, the Ashanti
   soldiers, powder-stained and naked, with shot-belts round their bodies
   and guns on their shoulders, mingled unconcernedly with the crowd,
   fondly embracing friends and relatives. At the same time, a constant
   stream of them marched boldly past the white troops in the square,
   carrying supplies of arms and ammunition away into the bush. p. 167

The British awoke to find the city empty of its inhabitants.

   Names bore out the military tradition of the people. There was
   Aperemsu, or Cannon Street, and another called Osmarandiduum, meaning 
   'with a thousand muskets you could not fight those who live here.' 
   Exclusive of the suburbs of Asafu and Bantama, the capital was reckoned 
   to be nearly four miles in circumference. p. 169

It rained. There is a description of some of the treasures in the palace
that had been left behind, including, "Rows of books in many languages."
(p. 174)

Chapter Eleven, "A Kind of Success" (pp. 175-185), begins with the British
leaving Kumasi at dawn, burning the city as they left. Although the way
back was made very difficult by swollen waters, the Ashanti did not attack
and even gave a thousand ounces of gold. England hailed the victory. The
assessment of the author is that Wolseley was responsible for that triumph.

Chapter Twelve, "The Ambassador," (pp. 187-194) describes the chiefs'
replacement of the Asantehene with his heir, the rebuilding of Kumasi and
the strengthening of its army and armaments. When the Ashanti sent a
special golden ax with a messenger this was understood to be a sign of
hostility. The new Asantehene presented the ax for Queen Victoria as a
sign of peace, to the displeasure of some subordinates. Civil strife and
disease cut reigns short. 

   Yaa Kya, Kofi Karikari's sister and mother of the boy king who had died
   of smallpox -- made a strong appeal to the rival factions to rally to
   the Golden Stool and elect a new Asantehene. In most quarters the
   response was eager and immediate, the chiefs deciding that the election
   and enstoolment should be witnessed and approved by an official British
   guest, p. pp. 190-191

It took three and a half years, but at length one arrived to witness Kwaku
Dua III enstooled in 1888. When he was offered the opportunity to join the
British Empire, he very courteously declined. The British applied
pressure. The Ashanti sent envoys to appeal to Queen Victoria.

   This was led by a young nobleman, John Ansa, and included Ansa's
   brother, a linguist, a court crier, a sword bearer and gun bearer.
   p. 194

British authorities refused to meet with them, and when the envoys
returned to Africa they found a British army ready to attack the Ashanti.

Chapter Thirteen, "An Abduction" (pp. 195-209), begins with the prestige
of the Ashanti venture and the celebrities sent, up to Queen Victoria's
son-in-law. It continues with a reference to the toll the climate took on
the troops, and the Ashanti decision not to resist.

   In fact, they were waiting at Kumasi with passive dignity when Scott's
   expedition finally arrived, having shadow-boxed its was blindly from
   the Pra -- unaware that there was no opposition -- in a sort of crazy
   jungle charade. p. 198

The British commander on entering Kumasi told the Ashanti they'd been wise
not to resist, the governor would be there the next day and they should
cut the grass. When the governor arrived he mentioned the indemnity and
human sacrifices, popular in the British press, even if based on little
evidence. the Asantehene made a public submission, but stated that he
would need time to raise the full indemnity. He and others were then
seized, despite the pleas of their people. The British, including the
famous Baden-powell, broke into the palace. The looters found little other
than of local sentimental value. The British violated the traditional
burial place of the Ashanti kings, but the bodies and artefacts had been
removed.

   A group of Kumasi priests took refuge in a temple on the north side of
   the capital as the sacred village was burned and the renowned fetish
   kumnini tree of Kumasi blown out of the earth by British engineers
   while the townspeople watched with 'cries of despair'. The massive
   trunk had been drilled in many places to carry the explosive charges
   and there was a dull roar as an officer pushed the plunger on the
   detonator. 'The mighty trunk, rearing its lofty branches over 150 feet
   in the air, poised itself for a second and fell to the earth with a
   thunder and force which shook the ground, crushing down large trees
   and part of the sacred grove in its fall... p. 207

The prisoners were taken to the coast, imprisoned for nearly a year in a
fort there, and then sent to Sierra Leone and then the Seychelles Islands.

Chapter Fourteen, "The Siege" (pp. 210-227) returns to Governor Hodgson's
search for the Golden Stool. It provides background, including
unannounced attempts to find it. It elaborates on the reception of the
governor and hopes he was arriving with tidings of the return of the
Asantehene and other prisoners. It describes the speech the governor
delivered stating that he'd spent years in the area, knew the customs,
the prisoners would not be returning, there was 160,000 pounds a year to
be paid, and where was Queen Victoria's Golden Stool, why wasn't her
representative now sitting on it?

   In fact, no Ashanti king had ever sat on it and the suggestion that
   Hodgson himself might do so was provocative in the extreme. Having
   listened in silence, the chiefs politely thanked His Excellency for
   meeting them, regretted that they were unable to pay the sum of money 
   he had mentioned and returned home to make the final preparations for
   war. p. 214

News of the Ashanti uprising was telegraphed from Kumasi, but the Boer War
and the Boxer Uprising preoccupied concern in London. Reinforcements were
ordered from elsewhere in West Africa. The telegraph line was cut.
Circumstances of seige and relief are presented. There's reference to
Ashanti military organization and to the morale-boosting question and
answer of their night drumming. 
   
   Often they referred to a buffalo or bush-cow of immense size and
   supernatural strength, which the Ashanti believed to haunt their
   forests. These drum messages would begin as follows:
      First camp: 'Do you hear the buffalo moving in the forest?'
      Second camp: 'We hear him.'
      First camp: 'We are like the buffalo in strength and bravery.'
      Second camp: 'We are like the buffalo too.'

Chapter Fifteen, "A Rough Flight" (pp. 228-243), recounts the escape from
Kumasi of the governor and his party, though some were left to hold the
fort. It portrays the Ashanti treatment of several relief forces. British
arms told.

   Soon the rescued garrison was ferried out of Kumasi, and a force of
   nearly 200 fit men left to hold the strongpost while Willcocks brought
   his main strength to bear on the dispersing Ashantis. Divided and
   immensely out-armed, the individual tribes defended themselves with
   fierce vigour all summer. Several towns had to be taken by hand-to-hand 
   fighting before they could be destroyed as Willcocks had ordered. In
   one instance, an army of 4,000 levies under white officers was halted
   and driven back from Boankra by 250 Ashanti warriors. The British
   commander shot himself. p. 239

But British arms told, although the outstanding courage of the Ashanti
gained the admiration of their enemy. The last battle was faught a few
miles from Kumasi.

There is an epilogue (pp. 244-248) mentioning the retrieval of the Golden
Stool in 1920. Some of those responsible for it had melted some of the
gold to make personal profit. There's an account of oath-taking and of the
British promising not to take it. in gratitude, a silver stool was given
to England, with the words while it did not contain the Ashanti soul, it
contained their love.

Although this reviewer found the book pretty grim, it was informative in
conveying how modern can feel some aspects of the 19th Century and how
superior arms does not indicate greater knowledge or higher ethics. 

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