THE GREAT LAW AND THE LONGHOUSE, William N. Fenton, University of
Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1998

As in earlier sections of this review, appropriate designations are
used for the Longhouse People (Haudenosaunee) and for the People of
the Eastern Gate of the Longhouse, the Kanyen'kehaka (Flint Folk).
Derogatory usage is restricted to direct quotes.

Ch. 32 (pp. 496-513): Montcalm captured Oswego. Longhouse People
(excluding Flint Folk) and allies went to Montreal. They urged
peace, increased trade (including at Ft. Cadaraqui), more business
(employing Natives at portages), and agreed to neutrality, as well
as resisting English attacks. In July and August 1757 at Easton,
Pennsylvania Haudenosaunee and Delawares met English to seek land
rights and make peace. In October 1758 a council met at Easton
denying Teedyuscung's leadership claims, affirming Native land
claims, and confirming alliance with England.

Johnson in July 1759 seized Ft. Niagara. In September Wolfe took
Quebec. In April 1759 Johnson at a council at his place returned to
Haudenosaunee, "the deed to lands on the Ohio that Pennsylvanians
had acquired during the Albany Congress." (p. 511) The hatchet
Johnson threw down was taken up and his war feast enjoyed.

Ch. 33 (pp. 517-532): Amherst moved on Montreal. He did please
Haudenosaunee by naming a boat with nine canons launched against the
French the Onondaga. However, Amherst despised Natives and was not
respected in return. While Kahnawakeh and Kanehsatageh agreed to
cease opposing the English, Senecas and people further west yearned
to drive out the English. Johnson at Detroit calmed such agitation.
At Easton in August 1761 Pennsylvanians met Natives in council
confirming peace. Johnson held a meeting at his place in April 1762.
Senecas answered criticisms; agile, effective leaders had come, not
inactive talkers; Senecas intended to cling to the Covenant Chain.
Onondaga encouraged renewed Flint Folk participation.

The Flint Folk replied a day or two later that they came when
invited. Oneida stressed the importance of traditional feminine
participation.

In August 1762 Pennsylvanians met Natives at Lancaster. Captives
were discussed, belts exchanged and the appropriateness of entering
the Longhouse through a door (Seneca or Flint Folk) stated. Pontiac
arose in 1763. In Summer 1764 Seneca signed peace before Johnson at
Niagara. Onondagas showed Johnson a dozen new sachems, including
eight or nine with League titles.

   The importance of this list to history is threefold. First, the
   Onondagas were reasserting the tradition of league government in
   confederacy affairs. Second, these eight or nine league titles, a
   substantial part of the Onondaga roster, comprise the largest
   assemblage for a single nation and the earliest record of titles
   that were still extant on the Grand River during the nineteenth
   century, when they were recorded by Hale and Chadwick, and by
   Morgan in New York state, and which survive today. And third,
   with this list, single names that occur randomly throughout the
   historical documents take on a new significance. p. 530

Ch. 34 (pp. 533-547): In March 1768, 760 Haudenosaunee met at
Johnson's place. Cherokee envoys came to discuss peace with the
Longhouse People. Fall 1768 saw over three thousand Natives at Ft.
Stanwix. Johnson urged measures to strengthen the confederacy:
sachems remaining in their nations, the young heeding their
sagacious elders, messengers using a torch for night travel, etc.
New Jersey's governor received a Native name. The Covenant Chain was
renewed. This 1768 Stanwix treaty ceded much land. A conference at
German Flats attended by more than two thousand Natives condoled
recently deceased according to tradition, confirmed the Stanwix land
cession, settled on a peace offer to Wabash people and renewed the
Covenant Chain.

On February 28, 1771 Johnson replied to Virginian Arthur Lee re
Native languages and customs. This and future letters on the topic
are incomplete portrayals, omitting, for example, references to
moiety, the league origin myth and feminine appointment of chiefs.

Ch. 35 (pp. 548-563): Samuel Kirkland went as missionary to the
Seneca with William Johnson's blessing in 1764. Adopted by a Seneca
family, thrust into crisis with the death four days later of his
adopted father, acquitted of responsibility, escaping assassination
attempts, surviving hunger and an arduous canoe trip to visit
Johnson, Kirkland stuck with his adopted family and was highly
appreciated. In 1766 Kirkland went to Oneida country, defended
himself, formed friendships and gained Christian converts. Johnson
arranged a failure of agreement at a council with western and
southern Natives called to oppose England. Other councils followed.
Apprehensions and expectations of war appeared calmed by these,
especially the three week Onondaga council in March 1773.

Ch. 36 (pp. 564-581): William Johnson died on July 11, 1774 and his
nephew Guy succeeded him. William's final year had seen him exert
tremendous efforts for peace. When Guy, pro English and Anglican,
sought the removal of Kirkland, American and dissenter, Oneida
leaders asked Guy to desist. Guy and Kirkland agreed on peace
between Haudenosaunee and English. Shawnee efforts to enlist Six
Nations support against Virginia failed at the Onondaga council
October 21-November 11, 1774.

Ch. 37 (pp. 582-598): Virginian successes against Shawnees, as well
as Revolutionary preludes, caused considerable alarm in the Six
Nations. There was energetic effort to preserve neutrality and avoid
entanglement in British-Colonial conflict. Guy Johnson crossed over
to Ft. Ontario. Councils met, including at Albany. American input
from Philadelpia (explicitly noting the Colonists' compliance with
Haudenosaunee recommendations to seek confederation) ueged continued
peace. Longhouse leaders agreed to continued neutrality and raised
land issues. England convinced some. Differing opinions came to the
Onondaga council in the Spring of 1776, but neutrality prevailed for
two years.

Ch. 38 (pp. 601-621): Joseph Brant led Haudenosaunee to Canada where
they settled at Grand River and re-established the League.
Victorious Americans considered the extent of land they should claim
by right of conquest. In 1784 Longhouse People met with New York
Governor Clinton and agreed not to cede land without New York
approval. Federal commissioners spoke of land cessions. Aaron Hill
and Cornplanter with fine oratory asserted the 1768 boundary. The
United States demanded the defeated Haudenosaunee supply hostages
until captives were returned. While the American allies, Oneidas and
Tuscaroras, were guaranteed their habitations:

   The western boundary of the Six Nations would be demarcated by a
   line drawn from "the mouth of Oyonwagea Creek on Lake Ontario,
   four miles east of Niagara south to the mouth of Buffalo Creek,
   and east of the Niagara portage, thence due south to the northern
   boundary of Pennsylvania, thence west to the end of that
   boundary, thence south along the west boundary of that state to
   the Ohio River." p. 619

Ch. 39 (pp. 622-640): Fenton exposed to the oral history of
descendants of the signers of Canadaigua observed the written
documentation. This treaty signed on November 11, 1794 has seven
articles: establishing eternal peace; guaranteeing Onondaga, Oneida
and Cayuga land; defining Seneca territory; recognition by both
sides of the permanent borders; establishing a wagon road along the
Niagara portage; creating a continuing annuity; and exluding those
from beyond the British frontier from this annuity. Extracts are
quoted (pp. 632-633) of a letter to President Washington objecting
to land cessions. Pickering, who presided at Canadaigua, had
significant background experience. Many Six Nations leaders
attended, though only one Kanyen'kehaka signed the treaty. Brant was
not present.

Ch. 40 (pp. 641-659): Red Jacket was the main speaker at Canadaigua.
Brant had visited President Washington in 1792. Military
preparations proceeded in Canada and the United States, as England
entered war against France. Threat of war between Natives and
Americans caused considerable anxiety. John Adlum met the Seneca,
told his dream, spoke for feminine support, urged peace and
conducted a survey. Cornplanter and warriors wanted to fight.
Cornplanter urged ignoring the voice of the matrons. As the matrons
spoke for tradition, news arrived of the defeat at Fallen Timbers.
Then came agreement to attend the treaty council at Canadaigua.

Ch. 41 (pp. 660-677): The British strove to prevent attendance at
the treaty conference, but at length yielded. Timothy Pickering and
others (four Quaker observers were sent) awaited Native arrival,
cultural differences concerning time being mentioned. Hymn singing
in Oneida impressed at least one Quaker listener. Some sixteen
hundred Haudenosaunee attended. Land was a great concern. There was
condoling. There was the intrusive prophetess Jemima Wilkinson. Her
urging repentance on Natives caused Native women, with Red Jacket as
their spokesman, to urge Whites to repent and to restore Native
land. Pickering spoke about previous land sessions, about polishing
the Chain with gifts and about providing a perpetual annuity.

Ch. 42 (pp. 678-690): Pickering, tardily informed of British
withdrawals, spoke harshly at the appearance of the English agent
Johnson. Pickering sought a four mile corridor. Quakers provided
requested advice to the Haudenosaunee. Kanyen'kehaka did not much
participate in the treaty (only one, not a title holder, signed it
p. 630).

Ch. 43 (pp. 691-706): Red Jacket with impressive eloquence
reiterated Native concerns and called for American polishing of the
Covenant Chain. Pickering replied without the courteous wait. His
wandering off topic to talking about altering Haudenosaunee culture
was not appreciated. Pickering admitted the land corridor he sought
would be used for buildings. Longhouse leaders were not very keen on
this treaty. After days of waiting, pressure to sign, including the
comment refusal indicated Haudenosaunee dependence on the British,
Cornplanter's objections to the treaty, Pickering's reply, it was
signed. The signatories are named and it's noted that only ten of
the Haudenosaunee League titles are among the fifty signers.
Pickering wrote to the Secretary of War:

   The fear of offending the British on the one hand, and the
   Western Indians on the other, induced the Chiefs to persist in
   their opposition to an explicit cession of land; tho' finally
   they said they were willing to declare that they would never
   claim any of the land which we were solicitous to have
   relinquished. p. 705

The Conclusion (pp. 709-723): Another volume can be written on
Haudenosaunee history since 1794. Why was so much in this present
volume done by those without League titles? Fenton and others
believe men of ability lacking such titles asserted themselves. The
border, migrations, the Seneca Republic established in 1848, the
1924 Canadian Indian Act are later factors impacting negatively on
continued League influence. Anthropologists' efforts to recover
League traditions have contributed to the tradition, causing
sceptics to question the authenticity of the tradition. A several
page summary stresses the scarcity of united League action and of
title holders' leadership.

There are appendices on elements of the condolence council (pp. 725
to 732), on songs (pp. 733-737), on "Condolence Ceremonies Involving
Sir William Johnson (pp. 738-742), a bibliography (pp. 743-764) and
an index (pp. 765-786).

This eminent scholar has produced a truly impressive survey of the
period. This reviewer considers the history of the Haudenosaunee of
tremendous relevance not only for their descendants and is very
grateful for William Fenton's contributions to this study.

Michael McKenny February-April 2004 C.E.


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