CELTS AND THE CLASSICAL WORLD, David Rankin, Routledge, London, 1996
(1987)

At the outset let it clearly be stated that one of the requirements
for a systematic study of the Palaeopagan Celts is a comprehensive
compilation of the comments on them by Greek and Roman writers. This
book is not such a compilation. It does, however, draw very much on
those comments, and is a good source to begin listing the requisite
material. In addition, it draws on other significant sources
(archaeological, Celtic literatures, linguistic) greatly enhancing
the range of the work, although this review largely focuses on the
Classical core.

Chapter One, "Origins, Languages and Associations" (pp. 1-33) refers
to the Celts refraining from recording important matters, to the
word Celt first being used by Greeks of those dwelling north of
Massilia (Marseilles) and not used of the British or Irish until at
least the Sixteenth Century.

There is a lengthy look at Rufus Festus Avienus' (Proconsul Africa
366 CE) "Ora Maritima" which names the Celts. The poem is believed
to be drawing here on early sources. Avienus names the late Fifth
Century BCE Himilco as well as Phocaean outposts that probably
vanished after 540 BCE. He mentions curraghs and the movement of
peoples, including Celts. Ireland is referred to as the "Sacred
Island" (p. 6), because, Rankin says, of the name's closeness to
the Greek word hieros, sacred.

Hecataeus of Miletus (early Sixth Century BCE) spoke of Celts near
Massalia and, possibly, in Austria. Herodotus (Fifth Century BCE)
said the Danube rose amongst the Celts, that the Celts dwelt outside
the Pillars of Hercules (Gibraltar) and that Celts were the
westernmost Europeans. Rankin proceeds to the Celts living from the
Danube to Spain, social stratification, the use of the chariot,
unconfirmed in Ireland, except possibly in the place name Carpat
(Chariot).

Rankin surveys Celts in Northern Italy, the Balkans, Czechoslovakia,
Hungary, Poland, "southern Russia" (whence they threatened Greeks in
Crimea), Spain, Britain, called Brettanike in the Fourth Century
BCE, Asia Minor, and Ireland, archaeologically La Tene into at least
the Late Middle Ages, linguistically and in literature composed of
several strands, including both P and Q Celtic.

There follows a linguistic examination of Celtic, its Brythonic and
Goedelic (P and Q) variants, its similarities and dissimilarities
to other IE languages and the possible influence of non IE tongues
on it. Of course a variety of modern views arises, for example, that
Irish shares similarities with Spanish Celtic, validating
mythological Mil's homeland, or that Spanish Celts were influenced
by non Celts on the Iberian peninsula, or that original inhabitants
of Ireland spoke Brythonic, or that some influence was made on Irish
by original non IE inhabitants, perhaps having speech similar to non
IE dwellers of the Iberian peninsula. As in other fields, it is
important to distinguish linguistic facts from speculations. Among
these facts is claimed the Irish word cearc (hen) dissimilar to
Western languages and similar to some Iranian dialects, though the
hen was domesticated relatively recently, originates in the East and
could derive its name through onomatopeia.

Other connections between the Celts and Eastern IE, including horse
sacrifices in Ireland and India, are noted and the distinction of
such common early IE features from those of Classical societies.

Chapter Two, "Massilia, an Early Contact" (pp. 34-44), begins with
references unconvincing to Rankin of early Rhodian presence in the
western Mediterranean and with the Phocaeans founding Massilia c.
600 BCE. What follows includes: the initial presence of Ligurians,
the arrival of the Celts, the ending of a seige when the beseiging
Celtic commander dreamt Massilia was defended by a powerful goddess
and his later identification of a statue of Athena as being of that
dreamed goddess, the possible influence of Celtic music and strict
morality on Massilia and of Greek reciprocal influences, including
the writing in Greek of contracts.

Chapter Three, "Notices in Some Fourth Century BC Authors" (pp. 45
to 48), notes that Greek writers did not convey Celts as terrifying
until the Celtic invasion of Greece. Listed are: Plato, Aristotle,
Xenephon, Theopompus, Pytheas, Scylax and a Periplus and later
Classical writers quoting this for Celtic climate (cold), geography
(extensive), drinking, fighting, service as mercenaries, feasting
and slaying of invited Illyrians during a ceremonial feast, etc.

Chapter Four, "Anthropology and Heroics" (pp. 49-82), begins with
Greek observations on barbarian similarities to Archaic Greeks and
differences from more civilized Greeks. Barbarians are less settled,
more armed, more into theft and raiding, more aware of the
spirituality of nature, more conscious of continuation after
physical death, more fearless (several pages consider the perhaps
ritual Celtic attacks on the sea), more into ritual feasting, which
among the Celts involved combat for the champion's portion. Mention
is made of Hannibal and Ptolemy I taking advantage of such Celtic
competitiveness. There is the prestige of Celtic hosts, the praise
(and blame) of Celtic poets.

The chapter provides comments on possibly ritual hospitality in
Galatia and on tribal, rather than personal, land ownership in
Celtic Spain. There are physical descriptions of Celts, their
moustaches, their limed hair, their harsh sounding language, their
heroic combat, cult of the head and oral tradition. Contrasted are
the historical perceptions of Polybius (Celts are irrational, making
quite a visual and auditory impression on the battlefield) and
Poseidonius, who residing amongst them observed much of the Celts of
his day and attempted an almost anthropological detachment in
describing very different Celtic ways. Poseidonius mentions British
tin, internal peace in Britain, Celtic chariots, hospitality and the
avoidance of pork by some Galatian Celts.

Chapter Five, "The Second Finest Hour of Hellas" (pp. 83-102),
considers the Celtic invasion of Greece in 279 BCE. This had a
special impact on Greek consciousness, because it is described as
including an invasion of Delphi. The author summarizes briefly the
complex political situation following the death of Alexander the
Great and the world of Alexander's successors which provided not
only the opportunity for Ptolemy to employ and dispose of two
thousand Celtic mercenaries in the war with Magas of Cyrene (west of
Egypt), but opened Greece to Celtic attack from the north. The
comparison by Greek authors of this Celtic invasion to the earlier
epic struggles with the Persian Empire in 490 and 480-479 BCE is
noted. Both in 480 and 279, Greeks defended the strategic pass of
Thermopylae, invaders got by the pass, tales of invaders' vicious
atrocities are recounted, the invaders struck at sacred Delphi and
were taken care of by defenders mortal and divine.

Among points which were noted by Greek writers were the great size
of the Celtic warriors and the failure by the Celts to bury the
Celtic dead, Celtic linguistic confusion and internal conflict
following the awesome repulse (including thunder, lightning,
earthquake, frost, snow, rock falls and the participation of
ancient Greek heroes) of the Celtic strike at Delphi, Celtic
killing of Celtic wounded and Celtic suicide. A commemorative
festival, "Salvation", was established to celebrate this divinely
aided triumph. Rankin quotes from an inscription concerning this
festival and from a celebratory hymn by Callimachus, a famous
contemporary poet.

Chapter Six, "Tumult, Prejudice and Assimilation: Rome and the
Gauls" (pp. 103-152), begins with the Celtic attack on Rome in 390
BCE: the sending of the Roman embassy on behalf of Clusium, the
unprincipled participation of these envoys in battle against the
Celts, the Celtic victory over the Roman army at Allia, the sack of
Rome outside the citadel, the cackling of the sacred geese with the
discovery and repulse of the surprise attack of the citadel, etc.
There is subsequent conflict, including individual combat, whence
allegedly came the family names Torquatus (from a torque taken from
a towering glittering Celtic champion) and Corvinus (from a crow who
appeared and supported a Roman champion). There is also speculation
as to Syracusan involvement in Celtic moves against Rome.

Further fighting at the beginning of the Third Century BCE included
Roman defeats and successes against invading Celts and those allied
with the Celts. A number of significant battles were fought later in
the Century and Rome had achieved significant victories before the
emergence of Hannibal. The Celts were, thus, in too weakened a state
to provide him decisive support. It took a decade after Hannibal's
defeat for Rome to regain control of Cisalpine Gaul.

There follows Rome's extension beyond the Alps, the tumult of
Spartacus, whose revolt included a good number of Celts and the
attempt to enlist Celts in Cataline's conspiracy. Caesar's conquest
of Gaul is described at some length: Germanic intruders providing
opportunity for Roman expansion and personal political control in
Rome, the various manners, ways and customs of the peoples of Gaul
as observed by Caesar in person and in the pages of such previous
writers as Poseidonius. Among Celtic characteristics conveyed are:
social stratification, widespread spirituality, individual courage,
tribal ownership of property, chieftains distributing goods and
fosterage.

There are the considerations and prejudices of other writers,
including Cornelius Gallus and Cornelius Tacitus who may have Celtic
backgrounds. Next comes Roman economic domination of Gaul with such
consequences as the unsuccessful rising of the Treveri and Aedui in
20 CE. Claudius, born in Gaul, urged more integration of Celtic
chiefs into the Roman system, but these remained too Celtic to
co-operate enthusiastically. Instead there was a rebellion of the
Treveri and the Ligones in 69-70 CE with its aim of Gaulish
independence. This was suppressed by force. The decline of Roman
vitality in the Third Century CE allowed greater local and national
assertion. Postumus ruled a largely sovereign Gaul in 259. However,
invaders were entering the country, economic dislocation was
continuing, as was the concentration of wealth. Internal conflict
and disorder led to the murder of Postumus in 270, and soon
afterwards also of his successor, Victorinus. In 274 Tetricus was
overcome by Roman might and Gaul was retaken. Except on the
frontiers, Gaul persisted in relative peace as a place of learning
and literature until the Fifth Century.

Chapter Seven, "Cisalpine Literary Talent" (pp. 153-165), begins
with Polybius' assertion of Celtic removal from the Po Valley and
inscriptional and other evidence for the continuation of Celts
there, even if, in many cases, they now attired themselves with
Roman sounding names. Cisalpine literary figures, known Celts and
some who may have been Celtic, include: the comedians Caecilius (fl.
c. 179 BCE) and Lucius Pomponius (fl. c. 90 BCE), the poets Furius
Bibaculus, Helvius Cinna, Catullus, Lucretius and Vergil, the
historians Volusius and Nepos, the philosophers Catius and Alfenus,
and the Plinys. Literary traits mentioned are: satire, "combined
eccentricity of hiatus and elision which involved vowel clashes
between juxtaposed words" (p. 155), "onomatopoea and wordplay" (p.
156), suggestive use of consonant m in describing animals eating,
diners feasting and a criticized legendary human sacrifice. Bold
individualism and criticism of leaders is also noted.

Chapter Eight, "Celts and Iberians" (166-187), begins with increased
Celtic influence in the peninsula after 500 BCE, with mixed Celtic
and Iberian, Celtiberian, peoples, most impressive militarily, using
a short sword of the best iron, produced by the burial and
elimination of lesser material technique. There is a glimpse at the
complex archaeological record in the Iberian peninsula, another look
at linguistic diversity, in Ireland as well as in Spain, drawing on
place names in both areas.

Some typically Celtic characteristics are listed of the
Celtiberians: including desire to avoid surviving defeat and belief
that the fallen devoured by vultures speed to heaven, thus possibly
explaining that Celtic indifference to the bodies of their slain
warriors so shocking to the Greeks. There's an outline of Roman and
Carthaginian involvement in Spain. A Celtic independent spirit and
the greed of Roman governors resulted in a very long consolidation
period for Rome, vanquishing Carthage in Spain in the Third Century
BCE and continuing to fight rebellious Celts into the First Century
BCE. Roman treachery is mentioned, as is Sertorius' white deer,
perceived as a possible manifestation of Cernunos. Julius Caesar,
before his conquest of Gaul, and Pompey the Great struggled to
subdue the Spanish and then in Civil War Caesar attacked Pompeian
forces in Spain. Pompey's son came to Spain, held it for a while,
and after his defeat elsewhere, Spain became a relatively peaceful
and prosperous part of the Empire. It did provide literary figures,
but only one, Martial, clearly identifies himself as having Celtic
background, nor can the extant work of the others offer grounds for
sustained suggestions of Celtic influence.

Chapter Nine, "The Galatians" (pp. 188-207), notes that the three
founding tribes (Tolistobogii, Tectosages and Trocmi) did not follow
Brennus into Greece. They responded instead in 278 BCE to an appeal
to aid the Bithynian Nicomedes. Celts surviving the invasion of
Greece founded the Balkan cities of Tylis, destroyed in 212 BCE, and
Singidunum, but Galatia in Asia Minor was more significant. It was
an area of mixed population whose main exports were wool and slaves.

Only in 232 BCE, after forty five years of participation in
Hellenistic politics and conflicts as raiders, as recipients of
tribute (payment not to raid) and as mercenaries, did they receive
by treaty ownership of Galatia, with the obligation to respect the
lands outside, especially those of Pergamum. Galatia had a dozen
cantons, four for each tribe, and a national gathering of three
hundred senators occurred in August at Drunemeton. Pergamum exerted
a strong Hellenistic influence. However, the Galatians responded
more to the influence of the Romans, especially after Mithridates IV
(Rome's great enemy) broke the rules of hospitality and killed fifty
nine Galatian chiefs and their families. The Galatians backed Pompey
against Caesar (Cicero defended Deiotarus before a forgiving Caesar)
and Anthony against Octavian. St. Paul is felt to be addressing
fellow believers and not Celts as such. St Jerome (331-420 CE) says
that Galatians and Gauls speak the same language, and Libanius notes
an increased interest in Greek literacy in Galatia.

Chapter Ten, "The Celts in Greco-Roman Art" (pp. 208-212), begins
with a series of statues made for Attalus I of Pergamum. These
depict defeated warriors with noticeably Celtic features, including
torques. There are other such depictions of defeated Celts.

Chapter Eleven, "Britain, a Source of Disquiet" (pp. 213-230),
mentions archaeological evidence, the presence of the Belgae from c.
100 BCE, typical Celtic tribal conflict, Caesar's invasion, coins,
trade with the Continent, heroic initial resistence to the Claudian
invasion in 43 CE, and the superiority of Roman military science.
There is the fighting of the first decades of Roman rule, with the
attack on the druids at Mona and the furious revolt of the Iceni
under Boudicca. There is Hadrian's Wall of 122 CE and forty years
later the wall further north built for Antoninus Pius. These walls
were incompletely successful and in 196 CE were overrun completely.
A dozen years later Septimius Severus re-established Roman
authority and had the walls rebuilt. There were declarations of
imperial command by Carusius in the 280s and Magnentius c. 350.
Invasions from all sides were overcome by Maximus whose troops
declared him emperor in 383 CE. Reaching deep into the Empire,
causing significant disruption, he was defeated and beheaded at
Aquilea. Constantine III was proclaimed emperor by British troops in
407 CE. More important than his struggle in Europe, his defeat and
execution, is the departure in 407 of Roman troops from Britain.
Celtic chiefs re-emerged. In 442 the Saxons invited by Vortigern
arrived. Pelagius the Heretic and St. Patrick are mentioned.

Chapter Twelve, "Ausonius and the Civilization of Later Roman Gaul"
(pp. 231-244), lists a number of Gaulish literary figures of the
time: Symmachus, Eutropius, Rutilius and the medical writer
Marcellus (whose work includes healing spells and the Celtic names
for plants) among them. However, it is Ausonius who provides much of
the content for consideration of this flourishing era of literature
in Gaul. Ausonius (310-390 CE) was not only an imperial tutor and
high government official (consul), but also a versatile poet whose
allusions and extractions of lines from Classical poets, whose
riddles, cryptograms, acrostics, club shaped verse, attention to
family, various lists and other usages of his Celtic talent draw
comparison to surviving insular Celtic material and to some
characteristics of Medieval wordplay, etc.

Chapter Thirteen, "Celtic Women in the Classical World" (pp. 245 to
258), begins with the greater independence, courage and stamina of
Celtic women compared to those of Classical Greece and Rome. There
are references in Classical writers to strong Celtic morality, as
well as immorality, though the latter perhaps shows unfamiliarity
with complexities of Celtic law (recognizing eight or nine kinds of
sexual union, for example) or is deliberate propaganda. The chapter
draws significantly from later sources in Ireland, including the law
codes, the Lives of St. Adomnan and, at length, of St. Brigit.

Chapter Fourteen, "Religion and the Druids" (pp. 259-294), begins
with Caesar's comment on the prevalence of spirituality in Gaul,
with Roman opposition to the druidic order, with Roman encouragement
of the identification of Celtic deities with Roman ones and Rome
supporting Celtic religion with such corresponding attributions and
with priesthoods less outstanding and more compliant to Rome than
were the druids.

There is Celtic worship of natural forces and Celtic unfamiliarity
with anthropomorphic representations of deities, or at least with
the realism of Greek sculpture. There is mention of human sacrifice
and the cult of the head. There is the significance of springs,
wells and cauldrons. Various Celtic deities are named, including
Lugh, identified by Rankin as beginning as a raven god, as being
king of the underworld and head of the Celtic pantheon and as having
possibly shamanistic aspects. Many Celtic gods are identified with
Mars and many goddesses with Minerva. There are triple deities. The
goddess Brigit is mentioned with more on St. Brigit. One quite
interesting point is his reference to the standard oath as being,
"I swear by the god my tribe swears by" (p. 265), instead of by
deities in the plural.

There follows a lengthy consideration of druidism, drawing on
Classical references to Celtic intellectual and priestly classes.
Druids could calm battles. They presided at sacrifices. They were
interested in natural science. They could have a pre-Celtic origin
and possibly had shamanistic aspects. The shamanism bit comes from
references to birds, birds being connected to shamanism. Druids
taught, etc. in sacred groves. They were secretive and did not write
down their teachings. Rankin mentions ogam, calling it, "A mutant
offspring of the Greek alphabet" (p. 284) and saying, "It consists
of lines incised in various sizes and shapes -- on either side of an
edge or line." (p. 284). There's more on human sacrifice, reiterated
remarks on Roman suppression of druids, ostensibly on account of
human sacrifice, not absent from Rome, but really because druids
stood as a major centre of opposition to Roman rule. Rankin asserts
druidic thought, concealed and complex, pertained to an elite few
and that it lacked the popularity to prevail against Classical
education and Christian missionaries, except in the altered garb of
conjurors and later Romantic sages.

Chapter Fifteen, "Concluding Speculations" (pp. 295-299), mentions
superior Roman military technology and organization, the high level
of Celtic culture, individual political acumen and heroism, the
failure to develope adequately centralized political structures
required for successful opposition to Roman domination. The oral
tradition is seen by Rankin as incompatible with analytical and
adaptive thought. He speculates on the potential consequences of
more substantial Greek, rather than Roman, influence upon the Celts.

"Appendix: the Romans and Ireland" (pp. 300-308) notes the theory
that Drumanagh was a Roman fort and responds that unlike in Northern
Scotland Ireland lacks Roman camps to go with such an abandoned
fort. There is Juvenal's reference to Ireland and the Orkneys. There
is Tacitus with his statement that Agricola opined a single legion
could conquer Ireland, with words about Agricola in a ship being
sufficient to spark modern thoughts as to the destination. There is
modern archaeology and its difficulties, for example, ancient coins,
most of which are thought to have arrived in Ireland since 1700 CE.
Other finds, even the oculist's stamp, fail to convince Rankin they
could not have been brought into Ireland by returning Irishmen, or
individuals or small groups visiting or immigrating. The theory the
exiled prince encouraging Agricola to invade may be Tuathal Techmar
in Irish literature is mentioned, though Rankin finds it unlikely
Tacitus would have failed to mention any use of this prince by
Agricola. The appendix concludes by stating there was some Roman
presence in Ireland during the time of Roman Britain.

This is an impressive volume, though it cannot be assumed to be
completely comprehensive for Classical references. For example,
while it cites Ammianus for brawling Celtic women (which some feel
may derive from accounts from previous centuries) it omits that
author's contemporary description of Gaulish troops frantic at being
cooped up in beseiged Amida (IX.6), and while there are two
references listed for Epona, from Juvenal and Minucius Felix, it
omits Apuleius' reference in THE GOLDEN ASS to a shrine of that
goddess in a stable (V). Also, the book is not free of such lapses
as referring to 43 BC, instead of AD, for the Claudian invasion of
Britain (p. 214) and describing Burdigala (Bordeaux) as being in the
southeast, instead of the southwest, of Gaul (p. 234). Nevertheless,
these confirmations of human imperfection aside, this scholar has
provided a most worthy work, well deserving the attention of any
student of Palaeopagan Celts. 

Michael McKenny June 2003 C.E.


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