KUAN-YIN (The Chinese Transformation of Avalokitesvara), Chun-fang
Yu, Columbia University Press, New York, 2001

The preface (ix-xiii) contains the traditional acknowledgements,
states the importance of the topic and informs the reader of the
author's lifelong acquaintance with Kuan-yin, including the
goddess's miraculous intervention to save her family in 1946 when
Chun-fang Yu was eight years old.

Chapter One, "Introduction" (pp. 1-27), mentions the enormous
popularity of Kuan-yin, traces her back to the bodhisattva
Avalokitesvara, male in India and in his earliest Chinese
appearances, surveys the arrival and domestication of Buddhism in
China, specifies the author's use of artistic representations and
field work in addition to texts and outlines the remaining chapters.

Chapter Two, "Scriptural Sources for the Cult of Kuan-yin" (pp. 31
to 91), examines the texts categorized not according to school
affiliation, but the roles in which they depict Avalokitesvara:
minor background character, attendant and successor to Amitayus or
Amitabha, one Sakyamuni identifies with salvation, and as an
independent saviour. There are fascinating details concerning early
translations (many by Central Asians), the impact on art, specific
salvific ritual, listed benefits obtainable and harms avoidable by
those appealing to Kuan-yin, and various understandings of the
bodisattva's name.

Chapter Three, "Indigenous Chinese Scriptures and the Cult of
Kuan-yin" (pp. 93-149), considers apocryphal scriptures, those of
Chinese origin. Such date from at least the Fourth Century C.E.
Mention is made of apocryphal Confucian texts approved by Emperor
Kuang-wu in the early First Century C.E., proscribed in the Fourth
and later centuries, but still very popular. The author summarizes
and considers "Sutra of the Bodhisattva Kuan-shih-yin Explaining the
Conditions to be Born in the Pure Land." This sutra provides an
account of the bodhisattva's life as a son to Sakyamuni and Amitabha
Buddhas. This provides a possibly unique reference to Amitabha as
feminine. It also is an early mention of the Pure Land.

Next summarized and discussed is "Kuan-yin Samadhi Sutra Spoken by
the Buddha" possibly written by the T'ien-t'ai master Chih-i
(538-579). This sutra outlines a seven day meditation regime. The
author now turns to the most famous apocryphal scripture, "King
Kao's Kuan-shih-yin Sutra." This recounts the story of the
prisoner taught in a dream to recite ten phrases invoking Kuan-yin
and thereby escaping execution. Next considered are the dharani
sutras and testimonials to their efficacy as protection, including
against demon children and drowning. There are also the positive
favours obtained, including children and long life. Such were repaid
by having sutras copied.

The last examined are the two sutras revealed to Ming Empresses
(Jen-Hsiao and Dowager Li). Here there is mention of the Tibetan
Treasure (gTer ma) tradition and of the White Lotus (through the
charismatic nun Kuei-yuan) influences on these sutras.

Chapter Four, "Miracle Tales and the Domestication of Kuan-yin" (pp.
151-194), begins by recounting a few miracles retold by late
Twentieth Century pilgrims. Traditional Chinese concepts of heaven
and Earth, vital force, five phases, stimulus and response, and
sympathetic resonance are enumerated. Accounts of wonders, including
some concerning filial sons, are mentioned. Chun-fang Yu then looks
at collections of Kuan-yin miracle tales, noting that the compilers
of these stories were educated Buddhist laymen, that only six of
eighty six early stories concern foreigners, and only twenty eight
are about monks.

Seven early stories are provided in translation: an escape from
fire, acquisition of good chanting voice (this leads to a
consideration of miraculous augmentation of intellectual capacity,
including Gunabhadra learning Chinese one night in 435 C.E.),
preservation from knives, an astounding escape from jail, two
accounts of divine intervention on water and one of a wondrous cure.

One aspect noted is that these tales describe few of those who
benefitted from Kuan-yin's salvific grace actually seeing the
bodhisattva. Of those who did, most saw a monk. Some observed light.
References to images of Kaun-yin in these early stories are now
examined. Some of these are small objects worn as talismans and some
such about one inch in length survive. Longer images, even taller
than human size, were placed in niches in temples and the
bodhisattva is often described in stories as being of this height.
Icons of feminine form appear only from the Tenth Century. Chun-fang
Yu suggests these originated from a devotee's vision. She looks at
the earliest surviving Kuan-yin statue (dated from the 940s) and the
record of King Ch'ien Liu (851-932) of Wu Yueh's vision of a goddess
and his patronage of the Kuan-yin temple in Hangchow.

Examined next are more recent (Sixteenth, Seventeenth Century and
Twentieth Century) compilations of miracle tales. These describe the
feminine Kuan-yin, including the fish basket Kuan-yin. They also
place icons in significant roles. The 1929 compilation (of 401
stories) contains forty two concerning prayers for sons.

Chapter Five, "Divine Monks and the Domestication of Kuan-yin" (pp.
195-222) notes Taoist wonder workers, discusses the two Buddhist
monks Pao-chih and Seng-chieh, and observes the alternative ideals
these, along with Miao-shan, presented to societal norms. Pao-chih's
and Seng-chieh's marvels, influence and burial sites (attracting
such visitors as Ennin from Japan) are mentioned. Considered is
Pao-chih's connection with the funeral rituals Water Land and the
Liang Emperor's Confession.

   It seems to me that these popular Buddhist rituals were
   attributed to Pao-chih because of his close relationship with
   Emperor Wu of Liang. Since the latter was the greatest Buddhist
   ruler in Chinese history, his prestige was conveniently utilized
   to promote these rituals. But because the emperor was a layman,
   Pao-chih had to be made into his teacher and guide. p. 209

Seng-chieh became a great protective deity for the people of
Lin-huai of Ssu-chou. His worship became quite widespread and he was
especially dear to sailors and sea travellers.

Chapter Six, "Indigenous Iconographies and the Domestication of
Kuan-yin" (pp. 223-262) notes the feminization of Kuan-yin from the
Tenth to the Sixteenth Century, beginning with the earliest White
Robe form of the goddess. The Water-moon Kuan-yin first found at
Tun-huang may derive from Chou Fang's (740-800) painting at the
Sheng-kuang Monastery in Ch'ang-an. A number of Kuan-yin temples
founded in the Tenth Century include in their foundation accounts
references to the White Robed form of the goddess. Her increasing
popularity, in part due to Chinese texts stating her role as granter
of children, is noted.

Chapter Seven, "The Ritual of Great Compassion Repentance and the
Domestication of the Thousand-handed and Thousand-eyed Kuan-yin in
the Sung" (pp. 263-291), outlines, with some quotations, this
impressive ritual composed by Chi-li (960-1028) and still conducted
at present. The current ritual is drawn selectively from Chih-li, as
Chih-li drew selectively from Bhagavadharma's translation of the
Thousand-handed and Thousand-eyed Avalokitesvara Sutra. It was
Chih-li, in Chun-fang Yu's view, whose adaptation of Avalokitesvara,
according to T'ien T'ai concepts, significantly domesticated,
sinicized and feminized the divinity.

Examples are mentioned of those whose religious fervour caused them
to consider, sometimes even carry out, self mutilation and self
immolation. Chih-li's explanation of his Buddhist perceptions
underlying repentance ritual are outlined, quoted and considered.
Sins, roots of evil, are exposed to whither in the sun. There is a
benevolent consideration of the well-being of others, especially the
unborn. His ritual, inspired by the Lotus Samadhi, is infused with
his T'ien T'ai concepts, including perceiving the ten vows as gates
opened by ten modes of meditation. The development and use of this
repentance ritual popularized even more the bodhisattva, influencing
art and providing the background to the composition of the legend of
Miao-shan.

Chapter Eight, "Princess Miao-shan and the Feminization of Kuan-yin"
(pp. 293-350), outlines the legend of the devout girl who was
miraculously preserved from the anger of her royal father and who
later miraculously cured this father and lead him to become a
Buddhist. It notes the characteristic of Chinese religion that gods
have a human aspect and this Princess Miao-shan incarnation of the
Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara was a means for the sinicization of the
deity. Scriptures listed six or seven female forms the mutable deity
could assume and this legend strongly influenced the popular
perception of Kuan-yin.

Examined for influence on the Miao-shan legend are accounts of
Taoist women saints who also, for example, faced filial pressures to
marry, and the Buddhist lay movement, People of the Way or White
Lotus Society. Then is considered at some length Kuan-yin as a
saviour of hungry ghosts and souls in hell. Next is presented
chastity, resistence to marriage, widowhood and domestic
religiosity.

Chapter Nine, "P'u-t'o Shan, Pilgrimage and the Creation of the
Chinese Potalaka" (pp. 353-406), notes the relatively late
establishment of distant P'u-t'o as the most popular Kuan-yin
pilgrimage site, one associated with water. Local gazeteers helped
legitimize pilgrimage sites. Other great Buddhist attractive centres
include Wu-t'ai (for Wen-shu, Manjusri), Omei (for P'u-hsien,
Samantabhadra), and Chiu-hua (for Ti-tsang, Ksitigarbha). Considered
are: other Kuan-yin pilgrimage places, their earlier Taoist
presences, miraculous appearances of Kuan-yin or her images at them
and the significant Kuan-yin holy days.

Presented are: the origin of P'u-t'o, the island's significant
location from the Ninth Century, its peaceful transition from a
Taoist site (from at least the Former Han Dynasty), prominent
personages eulogizing it (including Wang An-shih, Chiao Meng-fu and
Ch'en Hsien-chang), the six gazeteers extolling the wonders of the
island and recounting its eventful history, visions of Kuan-yin
there, and the continuing popularity of the site up to the present
time. The chapter closes with a spiritual concept that actually the
bodhisattva is omnipresent.

Chapter Ten, "Feminine Forms of Kuan-yin in Late Imperial China,"
(pp. 407-448), begins by postulating stronger feminine influence in
prehistoric and early historic times, notes the diminution of
goddesses in Confucian dominated society and suggests that
Kuan-yin's sexual transformation could occur precisely because of
the existing absence of strong and popular goddesses. It observes
that the presence of outstanding goddesses in a culture does not
imply any great respect for human women living in the culture. It
states that Kuan-yin's all-embracing compassion increased her
influence, especially among the marginalized.

There is a look at surviving texts about Fish Basket Kuan-yin and
mention of a number of possible influences: a goddess figurine from
c. 100 B.C.E. holding fish, the early beneficial symbolism of carp,
the similarity of sound of "fish basket" and "ghost festival." Next
considered is South Seas Kuan-yin, her three attendants (Shan-ts'ai,
Lung-nu and the White Parrot) and their appearance in texts and in
iconography.

Chapter Eleven, "Venerable Mother: Kuan-yin and Sectarian Religions
in Late Imperial China" (pp. 449-486), examines the significant
position of Kuan-yin within some new religions, looks at Taoist
aspects of such sects, notes the leadership positions held by many
women in such movements, although some traditional attitudes are
still expressed in the sects' writings and considers accounts of
older nuns and devout laywomen, as well as the actual influence of
older women in traditional Chinese society.

Chapter Twelve, "Conclusion" (pp. 487-494), reiterates the various
media and means by which Kuan-yin became feminized and sinicized and
the multiple viewpoints through which people of diverse backgrounds
perceived her. Restated also is the void Kuan-yin occupied in China,
in contrast to Southeast Asia and Tibet (site of his incarnations as
the Dalai Lama) where Avalokitesvara became a symbol of the ruler's
sovereignty. Expressed is the author's yearning to know more and her
hopes for continuing study on Kuan-yin and Chinese religion in
general.

There are numerous splendid illustrations, two appendices, one
translating the stele account of Miao-shan (pp. 495-504), the other
a translation of some pilgrim's from 1987 (pp. 505-509), interesting
notes (pp. 511-554), and bibliography (pp. 555-593).

In my opinion, this is a work blending superbly most dedicated
academic study and sensitive spiritual devotion. I believe it is
indispensable for anyone wondering about the origins of Kuan-yin,
the acclimatization of Buddhism to Chinese soil and, in general,
human response to the feminine aspect of the divine.

Michael McKenny, September 10-November 7, 2004 C.E.  


Solarguard China



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