The blurb at the back calls this,
The first full statement on Chinese religion based upon field work carried out according to modern scientific techniques,
and to this reviewer, a Neo-Pagan, Francis Hsu's consideration of West Town is filled with fascinating concepts and details, similarities and differences in attitudes and practices between the traditional Chinese and what may be visualized as ideal reconstructed Celtic ways.
The scene is set in Chapter One, "Introduction" (pp. 1-27). The author is looking at West Town (pop. c. 8,000), a remote, more prosperous than average, town in Yunnan, in southwestern China, between 1941 and 1943. Here religious observance is more accented than in most places in China at this time. For example,, on pages 21-22 there is a list of some three dozen, "Major annual ritual obervances" p. 21
Many of these dates are also observed as ritual occasions in other parts of China, but in West Town instead of being celebrated as informal offerings, most of the occasions listed above involve formal feasting, and a large gathering of celebrants. Each is a sort of temple fair, which elsewhere occurs only three or four times a year. p. 22
There are also days sacred to more localized deities and events such as the births of children celebrated by only some of the people of West Town.
Chapter Two (pp. 28-53), "Yin Chai and Yang Chai: Worldly and Otherworldly Residences", shows us accented Chinese characteristics, such as more elaborate portals to homes and honour plaques on such portals varying from the norm.
Elsewhere in China the honors thus displayed are those attained by members of the particular family displaying them, sometimes two or three generations earlier. For aech honor there would be only one plaque over one portal of one family home. Not so in West Town. Here every honor attained will find itself indicated over the portals of several family homes. Many families display honors attained by a member of the clan who lived ten or more generations ago -- and the member who attained this honor might have been a cousin many times removed. p. 29
There follows a description, with diagrams, of the layout of homes. There is a courtyard or two with the family living on the ground floor. Most rooms on the upper floor may be empty or used for storage. However,
The middle room in the west wing is the room where the ancestral shrine and other shrines are located. Here the family makes its daily offering of incense and one or two dishes of simple food as well as some of its larger periodic sacrifices. For the occasion of the 15th of the 7th Moon, when the most important homage is paid to ancestors, the ancestral shrines are taken down to the room immediately below their usual abode, and there the rituals take place. p. 31
Shadow walls, across from portals, ensure the house is protected from direct outside exposure. The main portal is ritually sealed in the name of the most honorable ancestor on the last night of the year and the most honored living member of the family opens it on the first day of the New Year.
Approximately three years after the completion of a new house the owner usually celebrates the occasion by entertaining a lot of relatives and friends and by inviting a number of priests to read the scriptures for several days and nights. The priests, by reading the scriptures and by the ritual distribution of paper money and clothes and porridge, aim to propitiate the superior gods and send away all jealous and unsatisfied spirits which may be maliciously disposed toward the house and its owner. p. 38
Next graveyards are considered.
Each family which has any means has a graveyard of its own. p. 41
There are principles governing the location of tombs, though these are often superseded by financial and other considerations.
Seniority in generation and age entails entombment in the upper terraces; if on the same terrace, a senior should be entombed at the left of a junior. A man and his wife should be entombed side by side, the man at the left of the woman. p. 44
Geomancy discloses propitious locations for abodes of the living and of the dead; belief in the influence of such advantageously buried ancestors explains some actions by the living.
In West Town there are not only many cases of "stealthy entombment" (i.e., a poor man deliberately entombs a deceased family member in a highly situated family's graveyard, so as to share the good geomantic effects of the prosperous family) but also struggles between members of the same clan for a "better" location for their own immediate ancestors in the same graveyard. p. 47
Tombs may be prepared for those still living and the named descendants of the deceased may include some hoped for future offspring.
There is also the family shrine.
The name of each ancestor is written on a wooden tablet, together with his or her age at death. Other characteristics on the tablet show the date and hour of the person's birth, as well as the direction according to geomancy of his or her tomb. These tablets are either housed in a single wooden pavilion or in double husband-wife pavilions. The tablets of dear ones are often decorated with colored silk. These tablets are arranged in order. In front of them are always offerings of dishes of food, incense tripods, candlesticks, and a vase of fresh or artificial flowers. p. 50
The author provides a diagram of a clan temple on page 52, explaining that the ancestors are housed in a large central hall, and that other space may be used as required for clan conferences, social events, genealogical sessions, etc.
Chapter Three, "Life and Work Under the Ancestral Roof" (pp. 54-74), begins by considering where people live in the home. The eldest son's family lives on the west wing with his parents. Other families occupy other wings of the ground floor. Then comes mention of relationships, including how terms of address are affected by relationship. One intersting point, embellished by an Irish quote,
Bean mhic is máthair cheíle, Mar chat agur luch ar aghaidh a ceíleMother-in-law and daughter-in-law like Cat and mouse together. p. 64
is that unlike a common pattern of life in other parts of China, West Town mothers-in-law are hardworking and get along very well with their daughters-in-law. The author then describes homework (While men may cook, sew and attend to babies, in West Town they don't do laundry), fieldwork (Both sexes work here, though generally men do the heavier tasks) commerce (popular in West Town, especially amongst women).
Chapter Four, "Continuing the Incense Smoke" (pp. 77-106), mentions the great importance of having sons. The following spiritual ways of seeking male offspring are listed: bringing incense and candles to the Tang Mei Temple on the 8th day of the 1st Moon to light before the goddess of sons and grandsons and bringing incense and candles home from this temple; praying for sons at a temple fair 90 miles southwest on the 17th of the 2nd; tossing coins at an image at a temple fair 7 miles south on the 3rd of the 3rd; tossing coins at a similar image in West Town on the 8th of the 4th; catching on the 25th of the 6th a paper replica measuring container when it falls from one of a number of huge torches (15 to 20 feet high) lit halfway up; taking a shoe from the image of the Grand Lady a mile and a half from town, burning the laces, swallowing the ashes, making a new lair of shoes and giving them to the Grand Lady.
The chapter considers avoidance of marriages between blood kin.
Two persons bearing the same surname must not marry if they are of the same clan, even if their relationship is not traceable within wu fu. Wu fu literally means five degrees of mourning. It includes nine generations lineally (four above and four above ego). Collaterally it includes ego's siblings and cousins up to the third. p. 79Diviners are important to all marriages...To find out whether the match is suitable the diviners use a method which is popular everywhere in China -- examination of the "eight characters". "Eight Characters" (the year, month, day of the month and hour of the boys birth and of the girl's birth). p. 84
This chapter mentions the various occasions of gift giving during the betrothal period and lists typical gifts. For example,
On the fifteenth of the Eighth Moon (the Mid-Autumn Festival) the boy's family sends to the girl's family a huge round cake of wheat flour. This cake is white, sweet, and decorated with red flower designs on the top. Its diameter usually measures three feet, and it weighs about twenty pounds. On the seventh of the Ninth Moon the boy's family sends to the other family a similar large round cake of wheat flour, this one mixed with kao liang (sorghum) to give the cake a yellowish red color, with similar designs and flowers atop. p. 87West Towners prefer early betrothals -- at the age of seven, eight, or nine years. p. 87
On the death of a parent-in-law or for the annual visit to the graveyard, the girl visits her future home.
After the first visit the young girl often comes to the boy's family. She must come not only on special ritual and ceremonial occasions, such as funerals, weddings, or the lunar New Year, but also if her future parents-in-law are ill. She may also simply spend an indefinite period of time with her future husband's family like a married daughter, periodically going home to visit her own parents. In some cases the young girl stays for a very long time, even more than six months. p. 89This being so, and especially because of the West Towners' preference for child betrothals, it is evident that for most West Town girls marriage is a gradual process and the wedding does not mark such a tremendous psychological, social, or even physical change for them as it would have done had they before that event been entirely excluded from the life and work of their future homes. This point has significant bearings on West Town family life. p. 90
Now is described the marriage itself with a list of dowry items and a depiction of the procession with the girl in a fancy red sedan chair.
When the chairs arrive in the bridegroom's home, three ritual offerings are made: the couple first pay homage to Gods of Heaven and Earth, then to the Kitchen God and then to ancestors. At each altar offerings of food, fruit and flowers were laid before the actual rituals were begun. The bridegroom inserts fresh incense sticks into the bowls before kowtowing side by side with his bride. These rites are necessary to give spiritual validation to the marriage. p. 94The girl's family generally invites guests to two feasts -- one on the morning of the wedding day, the other on the day of the bride and groom's return visit, namely, the fifth day after the wedding. The boy's family generally feasts for two or three days, and the wedding ceremony takes place on the last on the feasting days. p. 96
West Town has neither old maids nor old bachelors. While widows and widowers remarry, this is considered natural for the men, but such a widow is escorted over on foot in the dark.
Chapter Five, "Propagation of the Ancestral Line," (pp. 107-130) mentions the big family ideal, that is one home for the married brothers.
Each of these households is a separate unit socially and ritually, but may be several units in economic arrangement. In other words, most of these households are divided under the same roof. p. 114Each son and his immediate family will occupy and own one or more wings of the house. Each unit has its own kitchen. The eldest son will have the west wing. The parents, if living, may reside in the west wing with the eldest son, or each of them may live with a different son. p. 115
Next examined is clan, "A unilateral descent group," that, "Traces its origin to a common male ancestor." p. 122
West Town clans closely resemble West Town households; they have plenty of external emoluments, but they lack inner solidarity. p. 122
Clans compete constantly in public display, in genealogical research, in graveyards and ancestral temples, in contributions to causes, etc.
They compete with each other in working out the genealogical records. This involves prolonged research and writing up, which cost considerable sums of money. Renewed efforts to enlarge and retouch the records usually begin when some members of the clan have become prosperous. A considerable number of the scholars of the clan join together and use rooms in the ancestral temple as offices. Each clan prides itself on the authenticity, antiquity, and inclusiveness of its records. p. 125Many clans have no authorized head. There are no regular officials appointed to take care of the clan temples. Some matters, such as building additions to the temple or fresh efforts to study the genealogical records, are decided upon by those who can pay. pp. 127-128
Chapter Six, "How Ancestors Live" (pp. 131-166) begins by looking at the old.
There are any number of elderly people, men and women, who are interested only in reading scriptures, becoming devotees in temples, ensuring the quality of their coffins and graveyards, and preparing windsheets. p. 131
Next comes a consideration of the spirit world as described by gods through mediums. Briefly, this is a bureaucratic hierarchy where the newly arrived register to be referred to guest housing or to holding cells and prisons. Denying one's offences before celestial judges is futile as there is a truth revealing mirror which will display the culprit committing the offence. There are many gods:
In one scripture I counted 608, including the names of Jesus Christ and Mohammed, who are called sages and are subordinate to the Jade Emperor. Then the account proceeds as follows:"In addition to the above, the following gods are hereby invoked: Gods of ten directions; all fairies and sages; all fairy warriors and soldiers; ten extreme god kings; gods of sun, moon, and nine principal stars; three officers and four sages; the stars of the five directions; gods guarding four heavenly gates; thirty-six thunder gods guarding the entire heaven; twenty-eight principal stars of the Zodiac; gods for subjugating evil ghosts; god kings of flying heaven; great long life Buddha; gods of Tien Kan and Ti Tze; great sages of Tigrams and Nine Stars; secondary officials of five directions; secondary officials of ten directions; gate gods and kitchen gods; godly generals in charge of year, month, day, and hour; gods and spirits in charge of four seas, nine rivers, five mountains, four corners; of hills, woods, all rivers and lakes, wells and springs, ditches and creeks, and twelve river sources; all gods; cheng huangs and their inferiors; local patron gods; minor local officials (Tu Ti); gods of roads and bridges; of trees and lumber; spiritual officers and soldiers under the command of priests; all spirits in charge of protecting the taboos, commands, scriptures, and the right way of religion. pp. 139-140
Details are given concerning entrance into the spirit world, the causes and remedies of ghosts, the consequences of behaviour, what actions are considered good and evil, including the comment that sexual intercourse being unclean is to be avoided on some 21 or 24 days special days.
Most informants confessed to having failed to observe or to have forgotten about one or another of the dates at one time or another. p. 153
Mention is made of the varied value and purity of deaths, of the ritual to ward off second deaths, if a death occurs on a specified double death day, of determining times connected with burial, of rituals conducted to assist the newcomer to the spirit world, of mourning, condolences, obituary notices, the making of the spirit tablet and "calling home" those who die while away.
Chapter Seven, "Communion With Ancestors" (pp. 167-199) mentions that filial piety exists after death and the dead are consulted, comforted and called on to do their duty. At a temple, on the day of the Goddess of the Western Heaven, spirits move a stylus over smooth sand sending seven character poems describing the well-being of the dead.
In the Third Moon, the family goes to the graveyard, bringing food, money and clothing, as to a senior alive, to be sociable, solicitous and obedient. As starts the Seventh Moon, begins house cleaning around the ancestral shrine. In the first half of this month, married women visit their parent, though they must be back by the 14th. On the 14th, together, or as separate branches of the extended family, people offer food and homage to the dead. Incense wafts. Bags are burned. Also, communal gatherings at temples ensure all ancestors are remembered. And vagabond spirits are given:
"One string of money, one coat, one pair of trousers, and one spoon of porridge. Nobody is allowed to retain more." p. 196
Chapter Eight, "Introduction to the Ancestral Ways" (pp. 200-239) looks at education. The mother has been careful before birth, refraining from reaching high or hefting heavy loads, avoiding arguments, and:
Often a pregnant mother consults a diviner before giving her unborn baby a name. This will be the baby's "small name," which is used at home. This procedure will insure the coming baby against illness and evil spirits. p. 201
Three days after the birth of a first child is the sao chu, "Three days."
The celebration of birth has its ritual and social aspects. Of a ritual nature are the following: offerings to ancestors, to the kitchen god, to all gods in the family shrine, and (most important) to the local patron god. These offerings are made partly to express gratitude and partly to report the arrival of the new member. The first two offerings are simple...The offering to the local patron god is more elaborate. It is usually made by the baby's grandmother... The food offering usually consists of gana (a kind of fried rice cake, very thin and dyed in various colors, which is always an item in any ritual offering), one wheat cake, a salted pig's head, one chicken egg, one goose egg, a kitchen knife, wine, and some tea leaves. p. 203
Socially:
Practically all the guests are women, however, and most of them are fairly close relatives. The family of the new mother figures conspicuously. All guests carry with them gifts: some red eggs, some reddened walnuts, baby's garments, or some ornaments for the baby, such as a silver locket... each receives one red egg on departure to take home for its blessing. pp. 203-204
There are details concerning the growth of infants and ritual responses to their illness or death. There is the statement that the aim of education is to fit the young into traditional patterns: economic, social, ritual.
From the point of view of man's relation with them, spirits are divided into four broad classes: (1) ancestral spirits; (2) spirits not related by kinship or marriage; (3) spirit officials; (4) spirits of a different culture. p. 212
The first are benevolent, the fourth irrelevant and the middle two require careful attention, the following of taboos and reliance on propitiatory ritual.
Learning is largely from example and parents are proud of children who behave maturely. ideals may be conveyed by storytelling during Ancestral Festival, and especially by genealogical books. For boys: filial piety, harmony towards family and community, charity, spiritual, scholarly and official accomplishments are encouraged; girls are directed to chastity and care of husbands and parents-in-law.
Chapter Nine, "The Ancestors' Shadow" (pp. 240-260) sums up previous examinations.
The father-son identification is merely a necessary link in the great family continuum, with numerous ancestors at one end and innumerable descendants at the other. pp. 240-241
While to this is subordinated the husband-wife relationship, by this is encouraged the big family ideal and fraternal harmony. Education encourages the young to, "Conform to the ancestral tradition.' p. 243
This education is built on the supposition that all the living are in the shadow of their ancestors. Death does not sever the relationship of the departed with the living; but merely changes it to a different level. Far from being characterized by fear, the attitude of the living toward departed members of the family or clan is one of continuous remembrance and affection. p. 243The majority of West Towners are interested in accumulating spiritual "goods" by prayers, observance of taboos and offerings, but they do so largely because they desire certain tangibles: to be free from disease and want and to have living heirs, proper burials, adequate graveyards, prosperous descendants for many generations to come, and honored places in their clan temples. These things, it should be noted, are also objectives desired by ancestral spirits, either for themselves or for their progeny. p. 245
This chapter mentions safety valves (such as being divided under one roof) and those such as childless parents, young widows, concubines, etc. in undesirable situations.
Chapter Ten, "Culture and Personality" (pp. 261-284) begins with the question,
What does such a culture mean to the personality of the individual?
It mentions that ancestral authority, with the father as agent, until he joins the ancestors, can spur competitiveness, that mentioned fatalism is more consolation for failed effort than inhibition of action, that the orientation, notwithstanding gods and rituals, is this worldly, that the attitude is to attribute success to ancestral influence rather than to personal distinction and that fitting in to traditional patterns leaves one ill-prepared to cope with situations requiring innovation.
Chapter Eleven, "Wider China" (pp. 285-296) considers the rich and poor personality configurations across China, as well as variants. A type 4 configuration, exemplified by the outstanding 19th Century general, Tseng Kuo-fan is described as,
Great intelligence, rationality, sincerity, industry, foresight and initiative. p. 288
A "Postscript" Chapter Twelve (pp. 297-315), considers dynastic cycles.
My principal conclusion was that the concatenation of forces favored a recurrent reduction in ability and achievement motivation on the part of the sons of the rich and well placed -- therefore they or their sons would fail to live up to their ancestors' shadow, thus unavoidably making room for the children of the poor and less well placed. p. 297
This is considered historically on the basis of imperial records through the centuries.
There are five appendices (pp. 317-349) on the distribution of living quarters, concubinage, size of households, family prominence and social mobility.
Despite the length of this review, it can still only suggest the wealth of interesting detail in a book some 350 pages long, excluding bibliography and index. Francis Hsu's fascinating examination of the culture and the religion of West Town is highly recommended.