Hilda Ellis Davidson, Routledge, 1993.

This is a fascinating treatment of the religion of the Paleopagan Celts and Germans.

Before proceeding to the author's examination of the main topics treated in the book (her first chapter, for example, takes a look at several important archaeological finds) here's a glimpse at the last chapter, her valuable survey of leading trends and figures in the scholarship of mythology.

She begins by mentioning Saxo Grammaticus and Snorri Sturluson.

Snorri viewed the pre-Christian religion as a groping attempt to discover the truth about the divine world, and felt able to consider the beliefs of his fore-fathers objectively and without condemnation. (pp. 144-145)

One concept known to Saxo Grammaticus was that the gods were originally human beings whose outstanding achievements had caused storytellers to portray them as divine.

Next Davidson mentions the brothers Grimm and their presentation of German folk-tales as myth, rather than entertainment. Kristensen in 19th Century Denmark recorded attentively popular tales and songs, despite scholarly disapproval.

One of the major strands of that century was the debate between Max Muller and Andrew Lang.

As well as seeing an Indo-European origin for many myths, Muller believed that his new approach helped to explain much that was puzzling in the mythological literature, due to earlier attempte to interpret poetic symbols literally. The solar basis of our myths, he argued, had left an indelible mark on our legends and traditional language. (p. 147)

He, [Lang] was much influenced by the work of E. P. Taylor and the evolutionists, and in this differed from Muller, who had a higher respect for the mentality of the so-called primitive savage than had the early anthropologists. (pp. 147-148)

Following Muller's death in 1900, others developed his solar theory. For example, Thomas O'Rahilly saw the one eyed Balor as a symbol of the sun. Sir John Rhys, however, saw Lugh and Cu Chulann as symbols of the sun.

One of the fascinations but also the weaknesses of solar mythology was the number of possibilities available when choosing characters and objects to identify with the sun. (p. 148)

One major figure at the end of the 19th Century was James Frazer. His THE GOLDEN BOUGH first appeared in 1890. Davidson mentions Frazer's focus on the sacrificial king, on totemism and his view that, "Myths were essentially early and misguided attempts to give a scientific explanation of the world." (p. 149) Scholars applied Frazer's approach to their studies of religions in the Near East and in Greece.

Among cautions underlined by H.E. Davidson is the danger of, "Assuming that one set of rules only must be accepted, and that religious development must have followed a single path," and, "The habit of ignoring previous theories, assuming that all was chaos until at length the new thinker saw the light." (p. 151)

Another influential scholar was Mircea Eliade who viewed myths as accounts of origins: of the world, of a ritual, of a custom, etc. Eliade drew on Carl Jung's work on symbols.

Claude Levi-Strauss approached myth as language, considered mythic polarity (light vs dark) and, "Insisted that so-called primitives were in no way inferior in their thought processes to modern men and women." (p. 153)

Davidson comes next to Dumezil with his concept of Indo-European tripartite function. She states that however neatly this may seem to descibe Hindu or Graeco-Roman pantheons, it fails when applied to the Celts and the Germans.

The work of Sjoestedt has clearly demonstrated that the Celts regarded their deities as many-skilled, so that it is hardly possible to divide them satisfactorily according to their separate functions, as can be done with the gods of ancient Rome...She felt that it was not possible to assume that there had once been a clearly defined Common Celtic religion, with easily recognizable gods and goddesses, declaring that, 'What we know of the decentralized character of society among the Celts, and of the local and anarchical character of their mythology and ritual excludes that hypothesis.' (p. 154)

Davidson feels that a similar point has been made by de Vries' ALTGERMANISCHE RELIGIONGESCHICHTE (1957-1958)

There is the amplification of this tripartite model, by Lyle, for example, to include a fourth part -- that of the goddessses of the land, that of autumn, etc. And there is the vast consideration by Gimbutas of the Goddess of pre-historic Europe.

Next mentioned is Hector Munro Chadwick whose THE HEROIC AGE portrayed the similarity of Homeric and Germanic heroic poetry, understandable despite distances of time and geography because similar was, "The way of life and the ideals of men grouped in small warrior-bands under aristocratic leaders." (p. 156)

Hector Chadwick and his wife Nora made a notable contribution to the field, all the more valuable because they considered the evidence with critical open minds. This includes a consideration of possible outside influence on Celtic and Germanic mythology from outside sources: Roman, Byzantine, Christian, Finno-Ugric, etc.

The chapter concludes:

Many new ways of approach have been explored and fought over in the past, and there is every hope of fresh understanding of the divine world of our ancestors emerging from continued investigation of the written sources together with careful study of pictures, symbols and archaeological finds. There is much left to discover. (p. 159)

The first chapter of this book is called "Help from Archaeology". Here the author considers several finds of particular interest: a grave in France, a ship and a hill in England, a wagon in Austria, a bowl in Jutland and memorial stones on a Baltic island.

In a wagon, once covered by a mound 42 meters in diameter at the base, sat a women about 35 years old.

A magnificent diadem of gold was still in place on her head, ending in two huge knobs of gold, with little winged horses at the points where they were joined to the curved headpiece. She wore brooches and necklaces, as well as bracelets on her wrists and ankles, while a large bronze torc lay upon her body. (p. 15)

There were various vessels in the chamber, including a quite striking crater, 1.64 meters tall, weighing 440 kilos with a capacity for 1,200 litres.

On each side of the handle was the familiar gorgon head usually found on craters, but in this case executed with unusual power and restraint. Round the neck was a frieze of warriors, some marching and others driving in four-horse chariots. On the lid was the figure of a woman resembling a seeress, wearing a veil over her head and shoulders and with one arm outstretched. (p. 14)

The ship, covered with a mound, was about 28 m long. It held,

weapons, shield, helmet and mailcoat...a purse with an elaborate jewelled cover holding Merovingian gold coins...a stone whetstone with a set of carved faces and a bronze stag at the top...rich jewelled shoulder-clasps... a huge gold buckle with intricate lacing patterns...small belt fittings, strap-ends and scabbard mounts...a set of delicate gold fittings...A small lyre...a set of playing pieces with a board...burnt remains...in a great silver dish...a set of silver bowls with equal-armed crosses...a number of bowls, cups, dishes and drinking horns, including two huge aurochs horns set with silver...three large cauldrons, one with a chain of elaborate workmanship...three buckets and a tub.

Decorations included: "Warriors and battle scenes on the plates on the helmet, the eagle and dragon on the great shield...boars on the shoulder-clasps," and, "the trout in the centre of one of the hanging bowls." (p.17-20)

The hill contained post holes, including for a hall 11 by 5.5 meters, a huge pile of ox-bones and a heap of ox-skulls.

The little wagon is,

A bronze platform on wheels, 240 mm (nearly 14 inches) [sic] in length, with a number of standing figures on it...In the centre, towering over the others, is a female figure with earings, wearing a belt; she carries a shallow bowl on her head, supported by a small protective pad...Before and behind this female figure there is a pair of mounted warriors, facing away from her, and between the pair of horsemen stand a woman and an ithyphallic man brandishing an axe. At the front of each group is a fine antlered stag, with a youthful figure on either side of it, with a hand on one of its horns. All except the central figure are naked. (p. 24)

Had been beaten out of a single sheet of silver, and decorated with a series of plates, inside and out. A round medallion was fitted in the centre, and there were five inner and seven outer panels, on which traces of gilding remained and which were all richly ornamented, soldered on to it...Before the bowl was deposited, however, these plates had been torn off with considerable force and placed inside it. (p. 25)

It is 69 cm in diameter and 42 cm high. (p. 26)

On the island, "There is a whole army of stones...some enormous...about 10m high, others smaller but elaborately decorated." (p. 31)

Quite varied and diverse have been the interpretations suggested for these finds, and it is good to be aware that certainty is lacking even on such basic points as whether the ship at Sutton Hoo contained a body, cremated remains or was a cenotaph for a ruler whose body was lost in battle or placed in a Christian grave. And, the Gundestrup Cauldron has been thought to have been crafted in Denmark, in Gaul, near the Black Sea, in India, in Persia, etc. "Suggested dating has varied from the fourth century BC to the sixth century AD." (p. 27) It is always a good idea to be aware of the difference between reasonable hypothesis and certain fact.

The stumble on metric conversion on page 20 is not the only indication that this scholar's quite fascinating book received imperfect proof reading. On page 22 it is suggested that additions were made to a wooden amphitheatre on the hill at Yeavering by one Edwin, who became king of the East Anglians around 625 CE and converted to Christianity some three hundred and two years later [sic]. And, while only the impression is conveyed on page 6 that Constantinople was situated on the lower Dneiper, the same page contains the astonishing statement that the fine ships of the Vikings took them to, "The western" [sic] "shores of North America."

Notwithstanding such irritations, or amusements, H.E. Davidson's awareness of and selection of the material related to her theme, her presentation of a range of efforts to understand what remains from the Paleopagan Celts and Germans, and her scholarly consciousness of the limits of certain knowledge offer the reader a very valuable work.

The second chapter is called "Glimpses of the Gods." This offers thoughts concerning the deities drawn from medalions, brooches, coins, dedicatory stones, monuments, place names, personal names, names and titles of gods, etc.

Some 300 bracteates (medallions) have been found in graves, in treasure hoards and in the ground. It is thought that these were amulets worn as necklaces, placed in the ground to produce fertility and with treasure for protection. "A number have runic inscriptions, unfortunately not easy to deceipher." (p. 40) They show figures and symbols which suggest deities such as Wodan, Thor Tyr, etc. There are illustrations of some bracteates in this chapter.

Dedicatory inscriptions provide an opportunity for increased knowledge or oppinion on deities, although even when such are named with a Roman counterpart, the less precise function of Celtic and Germanic gods needs to be remembered. For example,

Titles such as Mercurius Mercator and Negotiator in inscriptions recall one of Odin's names Farmatyr, 'God of Cargoes', a side of the god that tends to be forgotten because of the emphasis placed on him as god of battle. (p. 48)

Also, "The strongest emphasis in Icelandic poetry is on Odin's power to inspire poets." (p. 48)

Also of interest are artistic themes on monuments, especially when such appear to correspond to literary material, for example, Thor fishing for the World Serpent.

Place names, treated cautiously, can also provide additional information.

The term hof in Scandinavian place-names...is often translated 'temple' but seems sometimes to have been used for secular enclosures and buildings. [...] Even if hof names can be traced back to medieval times, they may merely indicate chapels built by Christians. [...] In Denmark the word hylde is found in place-names, and is thought to mean a shrine of wood or possibly a wooden platform on which the gods were placed. (p. 55)

The author refers to places named after the Celtic deities Anu and Lug and after the Germanic Odin, Thor Tyr, Freyr, etc.

Divine names and titles add material, ofter for contradictory views.

The important but elusive Celtic god Lug bears a name generally taken to mean 'shining' or 'brilliant', and we are told in the literature that his face shone. Many earlier scholars assumed, therefore that he was a sun god. However, another school of thought derived his name from the word for raven. (p. 59)

She reiterates the point that the Dagda means, "'Generous in giving' rather than 'good' in any moral sense." (p. 59) "The name Odin is derived from the adjective odr, meaning 'raging' or 'intoxicated'" (p. 60)

Personally, what is most striking about this chapter, and the whole book, is how very little actual information it contains concerning Celtic and Germanic paganism, and how very much controversy exists on so much of what is mentioned. but, then, I guess, the title says it all.

Chapter Three, "The Gods in the Myths", states,

Although anthropomorphic figures of gods were known in the northern Bronze Age, it was not until the Romans were established in Gaul and Britain that the new fashion of depicting deities in the form of men and women gradually became popular among the native populations. (p. 64)

It mentions humourous aspects of the divine, the varied and perplexing nature of the sources ("Saxo, however, was a sophisticated Christian...Snorri, on the other hand, wanted to retell the tales as they were found in early poetry." p. 69) Germanic and Irish.

The author refers to the geography of the Otherworld. She writes,

There is little evidence for an established priesthood of the gods in Scandinavia, but there are references to wise men at the courts of kings who gave counsel, interpreted dreams, and foretold the future." (p. 68) She mentions the Irish immrama. She proceeds with, "The central tree of the gods... (p. 68)

and how the centre was, "Represented in local sacred places by a tree or a pillar, a mound or a great stone." (p. 68). She enumerates the nine Norse worlds as depicted in the poem "Alvissmal" and writes of the cosmography portrayed in the poem "Voluspa". She refers to Battles between the gods, including the two battles of Mag Tuired, the tale of the building of Asgard and other stories about the gods, such as that of the binding of the wolf.

Next, she considers such individual gods as Odin ("Odin appears in the northern myths in three main aspects, as ruler of the land of the dead, god of battle, and god of inspiration, magic and wisdom." p. 76 "There is no doubt that Odin in the myths displays certain shamanic characteristics." p. 77), Lug, Thor ("He is associated with storms and wind, but above all with thunder and lightning...Thor in various myths is said to be absent from Asgard, busy killing giants." p. 80), the Dagda, Loki, Bricriu, etc.

Chapter Four, "The Cults of the Northern Gods," considers worship and cult rituals, noting, "Since much of the literary evidence was recorded in Christian monasteries, we face the usual difficulties of possible misunderstandings and prejudice." (p. 87) She mentions that, "There is little archaeological evidence for elaborate temples in pre-Christian Scandinavia." (p. 87) She refers to the druids for the Celts and kings and chiefs for the Germanic peoples making,

Contact with the gods on behalf of the people at the sacrificial feasts held at certain fixed points of the year...The most important of these was that marking the new year, celebrated at the end of October, at the beginning of winter. This feast lasted over a number of days, and was known as the Winter Nights in Scandinavia, corresponding to the feast of Samain among the Celts. (p. 88)

She mentions the feast with its drinking to the gods, its animal sacrifice ("The three animals singled out in the literature as sacrifices are the boar, the bull and the stallion, all three fighting animals, appropriate offerings for warrior peoples." p. 90), divination, etc.

Besides the feasting, there would be sports, racing, wrestling and many other activities and contests, probable including story-telling and the recounting of myths about the gods. (p. 93)

She proceeds with reference to oaths, the sacred ring, outlawry and Ibn Fadlan's account of the Rus in AD 921.

Then she examines the gods of warriors, the taking and the display of heads, sacrifice of prisoners ("Drawing lots to decide which out of a number of prisoners should be sacrificed, so that the choice might be made by the gods." p. 96), and cults of the gods Odin, Thor and Freyr.

Odin is, "The favourite god of those devoted to the craft of fighting in the Viking Age." (p. 98) "The cult of Odin included the knoeledge of battle spells." (p. 99) This included both the fearlessness of the beserks and casting panic upon the enemy. He was also concerned with rulership and poetry.

Thor figures above all in the literature as protector of gods and mankind, supporting law and order and the good of the community more wholeheartedly than any other god. (p. 103)

She mentions,

The popularity of the hammar sign...used to mark boundary-stones...raised over a new-born child...brought in at weddings to hallow the bride...depicted on memorial stones for the dead. (p. 101)

Those who looked on Freyr as a special protector were likely to be closely linked with the land or guardians of a sacred place under the rule of the deity. (p. 103)

Another characteristic of places sacred to Freyr in Sweden and Norway was that sacred horses were kept there. (p. 104)

Freyr, god of the land, could be evoked by the Swedes as a god of battle also, since his emblem the boar, was set on shields and helmets and was a favourite symbol for warriors. (p. 106)

Chapter Five, "Goddesses and Guardian Spirits", begins by noting, "We have little evidence as to how they were worshipped." (p. 107) The author mentions that our records were written by men, many of them monks. She refers to the plural nature of such as, "The norns, valkyries and various female spirits of the Vanir" (p. 107) and the triple nature of some Celtic goddesses.

She names such popular goddesses as Nehalennia, Epona and Rosmerta and proceeds to consider the concept of the Great Goddess, suggesting that Freja and Frigg may be the same individual. She then moves on to various myths concerning Freja

In the poem LOKASENNA, where Loki accuses her of accepting most of the gods as her lovers. [...] And was said in GRIMNISMAL 14 to possess half the slain while half passed to Odin. [...] Freja is represented as possessing a famous necklace, Brisingamen, if indeed it is a necklace and not, as some have claimed, a girdle or an amulet of some kind. [...] Another precious possession of Freja was her 'feather-form', which enabled her to fly as a bird. [...] Her tears are of gold, and she is a giving goddess, bringing prosperity and riches. p. 109)

and then the concept of the territorial goddess (including consideration of Brigantia and Brigid.

In Cormac's GLOSSARY Brigid had two sisters of the same name, daughters of the Dagda, one of whom specialized in healing and one in the craft of the smith. She was associated with such crafts as dyeing, weaving and the brewing of ale, and with the welfare of flocks and herds, as well as with the art of poetry, and with traditional learning, divination and prophecy. (p. 112)

and next the family guardian spirit, bestowing in medieval and recent folklore gifts upon the family. She continues with references to various spirits, helping, foretelling, protecting.

Next she looks at attitudes towards the dead, both fear of the restless and welcome for the assistance and inspiration of ancestors, including that from burial mounds.

She concludes the chapter by underlining:

It is evident that the guardian spirits of the pre-Christian religion cannot be easily arranged in clearly defined compartments. It is important to recognize their complexity, and also how such concepts continued to develop in Christian literature. (p. 125)

...what appear to be the outstanding characteristics of the religious life of the Scandinavians before the conversion. [...] Early accounts of the Celts and Germans from outside observers stress the use of sacred places in the open air, rough wooden figures of the gods, and the practice of animal and human sacrifices, as well as the leaving of offerings in water or in earth. (p. 128)

Reliance on messages received from dreams, signs and omens, and various forms of divination is indicated in the written sources, and continued to be of importance throughout the Viking Age. (p. 132)

She goes on to consider processions, funeral traditions, fate and holy places.

She concludes by reminding us,

The purpose of this survey has been to show how much material has in fact been left for us to study, and the various ways in which we may go about it. (p. 160)

She seems to have carried off her intent splendidly. The book is richly adorned with references to the vernacular literatures and is well-embellished with glimpses of the growing corpus of uncovered archaeological remains. It is very highly recommended to anyone interested in the topic. SolarGuard HomePage

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