The Prince and Selected Discourses, Machiavelli, transl. Daniel Donno,
Bantam, New York, 1966

This key political text has been keenly studied and applied by many in
fields such as business, the military and politics at all levels. One
of its basic teachings and the one often taken as an excuse by many who
play the political game is that practical politics is not concerned
with ethics.

A summary of this translation is provided here along with a commentary
relating this text and its influence to the similar, but not exact,
human requirements of the Twenty First Century. This material is not
yet completed. In addition, even when completed, the mention of what
struck me as significant in Machiavelli is not a full representation
of all he included in his concise treatment in his concise work, so
replete with general and specific advice.

Introduction: Machiavelli (1469-1527) was an important Florentine
official who went on missions for his state in Italy and beyond the
Alps. One of his impressive innovations for his time was to raise a
citizen army, rather than hire foreign mercenaries. Successful once, the
relatively raw citizen troops fell before the experienced foreigners
supporting Guiliano de Medici.

Retired Machiavelli penned The Prince in the latter half of 1513,
addressing it to de Medici. A basic thought of the book is that
pracitical politics is independent of ethics.

Text: I offer you the most valuable gift I possess, this succint
presentation of the insights I gained from years of political activity
and in constant study of history. Herein I focus not on republics but
on states ruled by princes.

A hereditary prince following traditional ways will usually be
supported by his people. A conqueror is advised to retain custome and
laws, to reside in his principality and not increase taxes.

Support the weak, diminish the strong, realize war is oft deferred to
your disadvantage. Better fight a foe on his territory than wait for
him to come here. States whose ruler appoints governors are difficult
to take while he or his family are alive, but easier to hold than those
whose ruler is supported by hereditary governors.

A formerly free state may be held by allowing it to retain traditional
laws and having a few men keep it friendly.

  It must be realized that there is nothing more difficult to plan,
  more uncertain of success, more dangerous to manage than the
  establishment of a new order of government; for he who introduces it
  makes enemies of all those who derive advantage from the old order
  and finds but lukewarm defenders among those who stand to gain from
  the new one. p. 27

One may easily become a prince through imperial will or such. Retention
of this position may depend on the higher authority's (or his
successor's) continuing favour and influence.

Cruelty, such as slaying prominent people during seizure of power, may
be effective as a onetime measure at the beginning of rule; cruelty
extended and increasing during a reign indicates a ruler's insecurity.

Both princes coming to power supported by nobles and those supported by
the people should be considerate of the people and watch out for the
ambitious among the nobles. They should make use of talented nobles
timidly holding back support.

A popular prince with men, money, food and fortress will not likely
face attack and if attacked will likely withstand it.

The papacy, greatly esteemed and supported by God, was weakened by
factionalism at Rome. The Orsini and Colonna deprived of the cardinalte
lost strength and papal might increased.

The best defences are good laws and a strong military. Mercenaries ruin
a state at peace and are unreliable in war. A prince should lead his
own troops. A republic may appoint a commander and replace him if he is
incompetent.

Calling on foreign assistance has often had harmful consequences.

A prince's primary profession and focus is military. The hunt and
peacetime exercises keep him in shape and aware of the lay of the land.
A prince studies military history.

Ideals are remote from the real world.

Generosity becomes a prince.

It is better to be both feared and loved; forced to choose be feared
above being loved.

A prince should keep his word, when this is in his interest. He should
be, or seem to be, clement, faithful, frank, humane and religious.

A prince should avoid becoming the object of contempt or hatred. If he
respects the property and women of his people he will avoid hatred. If
he is strong, grave, courageous, he will avoid contempt.

A weak prince disarms his subjects and relies on foreign mercenaries. A
weak prince encourages divisions amongst his people, as Venice fostered
factions, suffering when one faction rose against it. A new prince may
disarm the vanquished and consider these more trustworthy than those
who supported him against their previous prince.

Great enterprises create a prince's esteem. Consider the wars of King
Ferdinand of Spain. These kept his barons busy and gave him glory.
Neutrality is disadvantageous, as neither combatant will support you
and the victor will absorb you. There are always risks.

A prince knows how to choose honest ministers who place his interests
above their own; a prince is considerate of such ministers.

A prince avoids flatterers, seeking from trusted wise advisers advice
on issues he chooses. "Men will always prove bad, unless necessity
compels them to be good." (p. 82)

Present well-being counts more with people than the past. In good times
a prince is prepared for trouble.

Some believe in God or luck; free will and thoughtful consideration
remain important, though boldness of action is usually better than cold
calculation.

Italians demonstrate in duels they are brave and able fighters. With
superb leadership, advanced weaponry and innovative formations they can
defeat experienced foreign armies. May you become Italy's prince.

This book includes a selection of Machiavelli's commentaries on the
first ten books of Livy's history. These balance some of the remarks
above. It is hoped that soon a summary of these will appear here, along
with Michael McKenny's comments on the significance of many Western
influential people devoting some attention to Machiavelli in an era
whose historical problem is the division of the human species.

Machiavelli focused on the military requirements of his time, seeking
Italian independence from powerful foreign forces. Humanity's homeworld
does not confront powerful intrusive armies from outside its borders.
Attainment of human nationality requires solution of the problem of so
many human divisions warring against each other. This is the old order
so difficult to overcome.

In my opinion, the advantages of the awareness of the human nation are
so significant that the difficult and dangerous task of confronting
vested interests of the old order is worth the risks involved. Here,
cold, practical considerations are better than impetuous actions,
especially rash confrontations. These remarks will be polished and
extended, hopefully exerting beneficial influence for humanity in its
entirety.

Michael McKenny, March 8, 2008 C.E.


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