RUSSIA IN PACIFIC WATERS, Glynn Barratt, University of British
Columbia Press, Vancouver and London, 1981

This thoroughly fascinating look at exploration and settlement in
the Pacific begins with Peter the Great and interest in charting the
coast between Siberia and America. Prompted by reports of
disturbances in Kamchatka, Peter took steps for the construction of
solid vessels at Okhotsk.

   Motley though it was, it was a naval party that in 1714 left for
   Okhotsk, there to perform a naval task. Its members wore no
   uniform, but neither did most seamen in the Russian Baltic Fleet.
   It flew no special flags or ensigns at its winter quarters at
   Okhotsk; but that was immaterial. Pennants did not signify, as
   yet, in the remotest of all Russian ports and depots. p. 4

Two years later the Okota sailed to Kamchatka. There is reference to
Fedor Saltykov who in 1714 recommended ships be built on the Yenisei
to chart and claim all the coasts between that river's mouth and
China and to facilitate trade with China and beyond. There is
mention of Peter's lengthy audience in 1702 with a merchant's clerk
from Osaka, of information provided by the Dutch about Japan, and:

   in 1713, the cossack Kosyrevskii had returned from an obligatory
   voyage to Shumshu and Paramushir, most northerly of the Kurile
   Islands, with much information about islands to the south and
   with lacquered wooden ware, swords, silken stuffs, and paper of
   Japanese production. p. 10

Then comes the exploration of Luzhin and Evreinov who repaired the
Okhota and charted fourteen of the Kurile Islands. Peter the Great
called for an expedition to the North-East.

Chapter Two, "The Bering Expedition" (pp. 16-41), begins with
Bering's background and appointment to the expedition. There is the
lengthy journey overland to Okhotsk beginning on January 24, 1725.
There is the naval presence at Okhotsk, shipbuilders, an ocean
looking view, orders to keep a diplomatic attitude towards any
Europeans encountered in America, exploring, advancing Russian
interests and claiming no territory. There is the expedition to
Kamchatka, the sailing two hundred versts east in 1729 and the
failure to reach America.

Bering returned to St. Petersberg and the indifference or opposition
of Anna's court and other individuals there. However, there was also
support, especially from Senate Secretary Ivan Kirillov and Count
Ostermann. There was the opinion of Captain Golovin and Vice-Admiral
Saunders that Kamchatka be reached by sea by way of America's Cape
Horn. However, the Great Northern Expedition went overland.

   Vanguards were selected and their march routes fixed;
   instructions went ahead to Turukhansk, Tobol'sk, Iakutsk,
   Okhotsk, and other places. Altogether, seven parties were to work
   in seven interlocking areas of coast. The first four were to
   chart the northern littoral of Russia and Siberia between the
   mouths of the Pechora and the Enisei. The fifth was to survey the
   shore between the Enisei's mouth and that of the Kamchatka, the
   sixth, to make a voyage from Kamchatka to America, the seventh,
   to sail to Japan. All parties were to study water-currents on
   their areas of coast as well as air and water temperatures,
   changing ice conditions, and local timber types. If either the
   sixth or seventh party happened to encounter a European vessel,
   the officer in charge should state that scientific motives, and
   no others, had resulted in his temporary presence. p. 30

There was some European awareness of Russian intentions, but Spain
claiming the American Pacific was not aware. Clashing personalities
exacerbated normal difficulties. In 1738 there was a voyage to
Japan, accurate mapping, peaceful contact with the Japanese and
return to Kamchatka with the loss of eleven men to illness. In 1741
Bering sailed to America. He reached Kayak Island on July 16, 1741.
The return voyage was difficult. Bering and many of his men died.

Chapter Three, "Furs and Spaniards: Sindt and Krenitsyn" (pp. 42 to
73), begins with the naval decline from c. 1725-1745. There was the
activity and professionalism (even if below Baltic standards) of
Okhotsk that saw ten vessels built by the mid 1730s and six in the
late 1730s. Non-naval, Cossack, fur trading took place, some forty
two hunting expeditions from Kamchatka to the Aleutians from 1743 to
1764. The vital assistance, voluntary or otherwise, of the Aleuts
was obtained. The Aleuts were abused by fur traders, despite
imperial sentiments that they be well treated as subjects of the
Crown. Catherine the Great reversed naval decline. Spain's envoy to
Russia reported that Russia was not an immediate threat to Spanish
interests in America.

With Lomonosov's influence, three vessels attempted to sail
northwest in 1765 and 1766, intending to go north of North America.
Governor General Chicherin encouraged surveys of the Northeast.
Sindt's expedition (1765) was inconclusive. A secret effort under
Krenitsyn had difficulties with storms, scurvy, natives and
earthquakes, but produced improved maps and accounts of the natives.
Levashev in 1771 mentioned abuses against natives. Some Spaniards
became alarmed at suspected Russian moves in the North Pacific.
Leonhard Euler recommended sending Russian ships around Africa to
Kamchatka. John Blankett, who had taken part in the capture of
Quebec, suggested England ally with Russia. France feared such a
Russo-British alliance and such consequences as a Russian conquest
of Japan.

Chapter Four, "Cook's Final Voyage and the Billings and Mulovskii
Expeditions" (pp. 74-99), begins with the unexpected arrival of
British ships in Kamchatka in 1779. Otter pelts brought lucrative
profits in China. Joseph Billings was sent to explore the Northeast.
In 1777 he made unsuccessful efforts to sail around from the Kolyma.
In 1790 he sailed from Kamchatka to the Aleutians. At Kodiak he met
Evstratii Delarov.

   Delarov proved a mine of information. That year, he said, he had
   sent out six hundred badairki in six parties of about two hundred
   Aleuts each. They were expected to do well; the sea-otter were
   plentiful again. Delarov gave the visitors a lesson in the local
   hunting schedule: seal and fur-seal from mid-February to late
   April; sea-otter until June or slightly later; then seal and fish
   again. The hunting parties would return about October. Fifty
   cossacks, more or less, wintered on Kodiak. At Three Saints'
   Harbour, five large cabins had been built. On the beach there
   were two hunting vessels, of approximately eighty tons, both
   guarded constantly as a precaution against arson by the natives.
   p. 83

He explored to the north and returned to Kamchatka. Failing to
encounter the Black Eagle, Billings judged he could not successfully
chart in America and sailed west. He attempted a gruelling thrust
inland, bothered by Chukchi, scurvy and climate. He did produce
ethnographic data on the Chukchi. There were proposals to send ships
around South America, annex South Sea Islands and form an imperial
fur trading company. Considerations connected with the proposed
Mulovskii expedition (Russian claims of the Kurile and other
islands and of the mainland above 55 degrees 21 minutes,
qualifications of naval personnel, Russian warships in North
Pacific waters, etc.) are mentioned. War with the Ottoman Empire
intervened. The Spanish grew alarmed and sent vessels that visited
Russian posts at Kodiak and Unalaska. They learned of the proposed
Billings expedition, though this was said to be in response to
British moves in the area. Overhunting was forcing a further ranging
effort by promyshlenniki.

Chapter Five, "The North Pacific Fur Trade and the Navy: Growing
Strains" (pp. 100-112), begins with the Russian-American Company
founded in 1799. There is the background of Shelikhov's proposal for
a monopoly in the late 1780s. In the early 90s came reports of
foreign ships taking Russian fur. Baranov and Rezanov are introduced
and there is Kruzenshtern: his connections with Mulovskii, his
service with England, his investigation of British colonies in the
Americas, his observations in India and China of fur trading
opportunities. Initiallt rebuffed when he returned to Russia with
proposals, a change of tsar led to Kruzenstern's appointment to lead
ships to the Pacific.

Chapter Six, "The Kruzenshtern-Lisianskii Voyages" (pp. 113-142),
begins with preparations for the voyage, the purchase of two ships
in England and Rezanov's appointment as envoy to Japan with its
complications.

   Then the "effects" came to the roadstead, far too late to be
   conveniently stowed: paintings, mirrors, model boats, a thousand
   books, numerous bulky trunks of clothes, musical instruments. The
   gifts for the Mikado were valued at 300,000 roubles. Most were
   delicate. p. 117

They sailed to Copenhagen, Falmouth, Teneriffe, Brazil (with its
butterflies, etc.), Cape Horn, the Marquesas where attentive concern
marked this first contact with South Sea Islanders. Such forethought
(which included having iron to trade) and discipline (which is said
to have included not one sailor accepting the offered sexual favours
of the unclad females) succeeded. It seems Rezanov sought to assert
his authority and the sailors refused to accept it. At Hawaii the
ships separated. Lisianskii declined a request to participate in a
war against Kamehameha in exchange for the Russian allegiance of an
island ruler (Kaumualii). Lisianskii found that Sitka had fallen to
natives and sailed on to Kodiak.

Americans had sold guns to Tlingit natives near Sitka. Sitka fell.
Lisianskii and Baranov, with difficulty and through superior
firepower, retook it. When Kruzenshtern reached Kamchatka, he faced
continuing clashes with Rezanov. Rezanov failed to impress those in
Kamchatka. In Japan, the Japanese refused Rezanov's mission and told
him to leave.

   He attempted to save face by not accepting certain foodstuffs
   which, he gathered, the authorities were sending out to hasten
   his departure: fifteen thousand pounds of rice, more than two
   thousand bags of salt, and other victuals. Even this pleasure was
   denied him. If he failed to take the gifts, it was explained, the
   local governor and numerous subordinate officials would be forced
   to meet that insult by an act of disembowelment en masse. They
   were prepared to accept such a contingency, but could the
   Russians not make use of the supplies? pp. 131-132

Kruzenshtern charted northern Japan, the Kuriles, Sakhalin. He
stopped in at Kamchatskii-Petropavlovsk twice and then sailed for
home by way of Macao. Lisianskii joined him in China with news of
the rebuilding of Novo-Arkhangel'sk at Sitka. With difficulty and
British help, the Russians were able to trade in China. While the
mission to Japan failed, the voyage had splendidly trained Russian
seamen, underlined naval possibilities in the Pacific and had
scientific results.

Chapter Seven, "Rezanov and Baranov: Response and Legacy" (pp. 143
to 158), begins with Rezanov ordering the Japanese in the Kuriles
attacked. He took part in activities in America. Armed Tlingit made
it difficult to obtain adequate food. Food was a principal reason
Rezanov purchased D'Wolf's ship Juno. In 1806 he sailed in this ship
to San Francisco. Rezanov obtained food supplies and became engaged
to the governor's daughter. He died in Irkutsk on March 1, 1807,
something she learned only thirty-five years later.

In 1808 Baranov sent two ships to California, one of which was lost
off Olympic Peninsula. Few survived the sea, the wilderness and the
natives. In 1812 a Russian settlement began in California (Fort
Ross). Gagemeister, sailing back in Kruzenshtern's Neva in 1807,
visited New South Wales. Baranov sent him from Novo Arkhangel'sk to
establish a base in Hawaii. Kamehameha preferred Britain. Baranov
was seeking to retire. Golvnin arrived.

Chapter Eight, "V.M. Golovnin and Diana" (pp. 159-172), begins with
Golovnin's background, experience (with the English, observing
Caribbean colonial administration) and the Diana's objectives:

   Exploitation of Pacific fur resources; providing material support
   and moral aid to Russia's agents in the far North-East and East;
   discovery; hydrography and the pursuit of other sciences;
   convincing the world of Russia's influence and strength in
   certain North Pacific waters; and the furtherance of diplomatic
   aims: such were the pieces of the pattern both in Golovnin's own
   time and in Lisianskii's. What had gained in emphasis since 1802
   was the assertive element. p. 160

The Diana sailed through war and fierce weather. She faced two weeks
of contrary winds at Cape Horn and when she therefore arrived in
South Africa, the British ordered her to remain in Capetown. This
lasted more than a year, until Golovnin escaped. He sailed to
Australia and had friendly contact with the Aborigines. Golovnin was
unimpressed by the conditions he found on Kamchatka and he was
shocked by the magnificence of Baranov's library and paintings
contrasted with the poor state of fortifications, the absence of a
school, a hospital, a doctor, a priest and even sufficient food to
avert deaths from starvation. Golovnin spent almost two years as a
prisoner of the Japanese. He had his wits about him when questioned,
but his agile answers were not believed. Endeavouring to achieve
Golovnin's release, Rikord encountered the influential Takadaya
Kahei. Rikord treated the Japanese honourably and was rewarded by
interest in Russia and in mediation leading to Golovnin's release.
Golovnin noted Japanese civility, courtesy, courage and capacity to
match Europeans, if the Japanese chose to modernize and to arm.

Chapter Nine, "The Company Under Attack" (pp. 173-189), begins with
the advantages created by the War of 1812. Baranov promised safe
haven for Americans threatened by the British. He, thus, possessed
seven ships which sailed under company flag to Manila, Hawaii,
California, Kodiak and obtained in 1814 profit of a million roubles.
Baranov clashed with Lazarev, commander of the Suvarov. Then comes
the Riurik expedition, more scientific than some. The Ruirik sailed
in 1815. She went round the Horn, had copper patching done in
Kamchatka, stopped in Alaska, where her commander, Kotsebue, noticed
the wronged natives, travelled to California, where Kotsebue
understood Spanish complaints concerning the illegal Russian
settlement, went on to Hawaii, where Kotsebue assured Kamehameha
Russia had no imperial intentions, despite Scheffer's doings on
Oahu, Lanai and Kauai. Kotsebue returned home by way of Christmas
Island, Guam and Manila, arriving at Reval on August 3, 1818.

Gagemeister was appointed to succeed Baranov and sailed in 1816 with
two vessels, the Suvarov and Kutuzov, arrived at Novo Archangel'sk
on November 21, 1817.

Chapter Ten, "Imperial Ambition in Peace Time: Trade, Discovery,
Science" (pp. 190-206), begins with Golovnin's appointment to the
Kamchatka with the intention to investigate abuses of natives at the
hands of the company and its hunters. He sailed around the Horn at a
time of disturbances in the Spanish colonies. He saw the
improvements Ricord had made at Petropavlovsk. He travelled to
Alaska, charted, obtained information on the treatment of natives,
wrote on the failings of the company. Baranov sailed for St.
Petersberg on November 27, 1818, but died on the way.

An expedition (Vasil'ev's) to the Arctic failed. However,
Bellingshausen's to the South Seas did better. He led two ships from
Kronstad on June 4, 1819. He sailed to Copenhagen, England, Brazil,
thence to the South Georgia Islands, the South Sandwich Islands and
Antarctica.

   They saw shining folds of ice-cap, stretching on to the horizon
   or, at least, as far as could be seen from either ship. It was
   Antarctica. But inexperience robbed Bellingshausen of his glory;
   he apparently supposed that what confronted him was only a series
   of enormous icebergs. Soviet historians of polar exploration have
   disputed this at length; but from the extant written evidence, it
   is apparent that the Russians failed to recognize--or to record
   the view, if they in fact thought it probable--that underneath
   the ice-caps lay a continent. p. 203

Bellingshausen went on to Australia, New Zealand, other islands and
back to Australia. Both times there were cordial receptions by the
British in Australia.

Chapter Eleven, "The Aftermath of Victory" (pp. 207-232), begins
with increased naval and diminished company influence. Murav'ev
became governor at Novo Arkhangel'sk in 1821 and enhanced the
settlement with school, medical room, apothecary, increased
defences, etc. Spain, facing trouble at home and abroad, objected to
Russian California. Russian Alaska now sought to remain isolated
from foreign contact. Ships were sent to enforce the ban on
poaching. Lazarev sailed in 1822. From Brazil he sailed east by Cape
of Good Hope to Hobart in Van Diemen's Land where the British
received them well. Thence, he sailed to Tahiti, Kamchatka and
Alaska. Murav'ev told Lazarev he'd do better seeking grain for the
colony, as isolation was resulting in hunger. Lazarev went to
California, a very friendly place with the decline of Spanish rule.
Fort Ross was found to have no surplus grain. It faced a number of
present difficulties, whatever potential could be envisioned. A
treaty with England fixed Alaska's border and gave England the right
to sail up Alaskan rivers, to the disadvantage of Russian hunters.

"Conclusion and Reflections" (pp. 233-239) mentions the scientific
and exploratory nature of Russian reaching for and expansion into
the North Pacific. There was the fur trade and the need to protect
it. There was Russian weakness, vexing for patriotic seamen. Sitka
was too far north for the kind of agricultural production possible
in California. Worry about English retaliations in other areas of
the globe having higher priority for the Russian government guided
the generally unassertive policy in America.

The above summary is no substitute for the thoroughly fascinating
and well researched book. When I was sixteen, I read a biography of
Cook, whose navigation greatly interested many of the Russian naval
officers involved in the above mentioned voyages. I have since
retained a deep interest in accounts of maritime exploration. Anyone
so interested will quite likely be as absorbed by this description
of early Russian sea voyages and Pacific settlements as was I.

Michael McKenny August 15-21, 2003


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